Jessica Moeller
INST 310 – Spring 2009
February 25th, 2009
The World Bank article discusses the two different waves of trade increases that followed the decrease in transportation costs. The first wave led to more trade between countries that were separated by long distances. This is because these countries are more likely to have different resources. The second wave was followed by an increase in trade between countries that were closer together. This trade was not trade between different industries (inter-industry trade) but rather between the same industries (intra-industry trade). “In other words, in the old trade theory and with high transport costs, countries trade only what they need to. In the new trade theory and with scale economies, a love of variety, and low transport costs, countries trade because they want to” (World Bank, 182).
Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage was part of the basis of standard trade theory. It argued that, “goods are mobile across international boundaries than are resources (land, labor, and capital)” (Ruffin, 2). The Heckscher-Ohlin model stresses the importance of factor endowments in trade (Ruffin, 3). The differences in resources that countries have are often catalysts to trade between these countries. These theories both explain the relative frequency of inter-industry trade. They do not, however, explain the relative frequency of intra-industry trade.
Intra-industry trade is when two countries trade products that come from the same industry – like different brands of cars, for example. As Ruffin explains, “The significance of intra-industry arises from its basic character: it need not be based on comparative advantage. To a large extent intra-industry trade arises from the facts that products are differentiated and the production of any particular product requires some fixed costs” (Ruffin, 6). By trading products within one industry, countries and companies are able to specialize and then mass-produce these products. Large-scale production in turn reduces the over-all cost of the products. “Intra-industry trade enhances the gains from trade through better exploitation of economies of scale – rather than through comparative advantage – as trade leads countries to concentrate on a limited number of products within any particular industry. This leads to an expansion of world output because of the saving of fixed costs” (Ruffin, 7). Allowing for specialization also provides more opportunities for innovation. These effects all benefit the over-all economy.
Another benefit of intra-industry trade is that it provides a more stable form of trade. “Productive factors do not switch from one industry to another, but only within industries, intra-industry trade is less disruptive than inter-industry trade” (Ruffin, 8).
The frequency of intra-industry trade decreases as the distance between two countries increases. This has often been believed to be caused by the increased transportation costs associated with further distances. After analyzing the trends of intra-industry trade, Rice, Stewart, and Venables came to the conclusion that while the costs associated with distance do play some part in explaining why distance decreases its frequency, it is not the most important factor. They argue that, instead, countries that are close together have more similar economies and are therefore better able to trade within industry. “Closer countries tend to have more similar structures of underlying export supply and import demand” (Rice, 17). These countries produce and have markets for similar products, and therefore have reason to trade with each other.
The World Bank article argued that while inter-industry trade increased when transport costs first decrease, intra-industry costs increased when transport costs further decreased. Ruffin states that intra-industry trade “is more beneficial than inter-industry trade because it stimulates innovation and exploits economies of scale” (Ruffin, 8). The benefits of intra-industry trade are most often shared by countries in close proximity because they frequently have similar economies.
Sources:
Rice, Patricia, Martin Stewart, and Anthony J. Venables. The geography of intra-industry trade: empirics. Revised, Nov 19, 2002. http://www.econ.ox.ac.uk/members/tony.venables/prtv18.pdf
Ruffin, Roy J. The Nature and Significance of Intra-industry Trade. Economic and Financial Review. Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas. Forth Quarter 1999. http://www.dallasfed.org/research/efr/1999/efr9904a.pdf
World Bank. World Development Report 2009 “Reshaping Economic Geography”. 2009. Chapter 6: Transportation Costs and Specialization. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2009/Resources/4231006-1225840759068/WDR09_12_Ch06web.pdf
A new view on mobility
Annotated Bibliography: Factor Mobility (Labor and Capital)
In searching for literature that discussed factor mobility, I found a collection of authors who argued along the same lines as those published in the World Development Report. In fact Dilip Ratha appears in several reports published by the World Bank in 2005 and 2007, all of which argue for the encouragement and formalization of external capital flows (specifically remittances) and labor market stabilization through ease in restrictions to internal and international migration. This appears to be a trend in economics that stems from work done by Robert E. Lucas (as mentioned in the World Development Report). This new trend views labor clustering (especially high-skilled labor) as a positive factor in creating economic spillovers. Low-skilled labor can also contribute to the development process by helping settle the labor market equilibrium and funneling capital through remittances. In addition, new insights on how the capital and labor affects both sending and receiving countries have prompted IGOs to make different policy recommendations regarding the restrictions to migration.
Remittances: Development Impact and Future Prospects
Edited by Samuel Munzele Maimbo, Dilip Ratha World Bank Publications, 2005, 378 pages
This book explores policy options for alleviating poverty in the developing world though use of what now constitutes the largest source of financial flows to developing countries: remittances. Ratha outlines trends and determinates of remittance flows as a component of external capital flows and suggests ways in which receiving countries can increase these flows as well as maximize their development impact. In the first part, Ratha discusses the increase in remittance flows over the past few years and points out remittances are often invested in countries with particularly sound economic situations. This means receiving countries who work to improve economic stability and encourage domestic entrepreneurship can potentially increase remittance flows. Ratha also advocates a strengthening of the financial sector infrastructure so that both source and receiving countries can bring more of the remittances into formal sectors. He suggests that lowering the transaction costs will attract even larger capital flows because of increases in secure transfer of capital with reductions in the cost to transfer. Part two examines the socioeconomic aspects of migration and remittances as many of the remittances are used to invest in health care, education, or savings to fund the future migration of relatives. The economic effect of remittances can also be large because of the effect large amounts of foreign currency can have on domestic inflation rates and international currency exchanges. The book also makes a series of policy recommendations to both countries hosting emigrants and those sending them that aims to ease the restrictions on labor and capital flows as a way to alleviate poverty in the developing countries.
The New Economics of Labor Migration
Oded Stark and David E. Bloom, The American Economic review, Vol. 75, No. 2
Oded Stark and David Brooks analyze changes in theoretical and empirical research regarding the economics of labor migration. They found that migration behavior in individuals differs in accordance with perceived relative deprivation and skill level. Higher perception of depravity and higher skill levels tend to increase the probability of migration; however, the decision to migrate is rarely an individual decision. Migrants often make this calculated strategy “jointly with some group of non-migrants”, with shared costs and benefits. Although remittances serve as the primary reimbursement to non-migrants, better economic scales for the home labor market can also occur due to the migration out thereby benefiting both the migrant (through higher wages at the new destination) and non-migrant (through more stable wage markets). The authors also suggest some areas in which further study should be considered. In terms of labor market adjustment, more research should be done in the substitutability of international and internal labor migration.
In searching for literature that discussed factor mobility, I found a collection of authors who argued along the same lines as those published in the World Development Report. In fact Dilip Ratha appears in several reports published by the World Bank in 2005 and 2007, all of which argue for the encouragement and formalization of external capital flows (specifically remittances) and labor market stabilization through ease in restrictions to internal and international migration. This appears to be a trend in economics that stems from work done by Robert E. Lucas (as mentioned in the World Development Report). This new trend views labor clustering (especially high-skilled labor) as a positive factor in creating economic spillovers. Low-skilled labor can also contribute to the development process by helping settle the labor market equilibrium and funneling capital through remittances. In addition, new insights on how the capital and labor affects both sending and receiving countries have prompted IGOs to make different policy recommendations regarding the restrictions to migration.
Remittances: Development Impact and Future Prospects
Edited by Samuel Munzele Maimbo, Dilip Ratha World Bank Publications, 2005, 378 pages
This book explores policy options for alleviating poverty in the developing world though use of what now constitutes the largest source of financial flows to developing countries: remittances. Ratha outlines trends and determinates of remittance flows as a component of external capital flows and suggests ways in which receiving countries can increase these flows as well as maximize their development impact. In the first part, Ratha discusses the increase in remittance flows over the past few years and points out remittances are often invested in countries with particularly sound economic situations. This means receiving countries who work to improve economic stability and encourage domestic entrepreneurship can potentially increase remittance flows. Ratha also advocates a strengthening of the financial sector infrastructure so that both source and receiving countries can bring more of the remittances into formal sectors. He suggests that lowering the transaction costs will attract even larger capital flows because of increases in secure transfer of capital with reductions in the cost to transfer. Part two examines the socioeconomic aspects of migration and remittances as many of the remittances are used to invest in health care, education, or savings to fund the future migration of relatives. The economic effect of remittances can also be large because of the effect large amounts of foreign currency can have on domestic inflation rates and international currency exchanges. The book also makes a series of policy recommendations to both countries hosting emigrants and those sending them that aims to ease the restrictions on labor and capital flows as a way to alleviate poverty in the developing countries.
The New Economics of Labor Migration
Oded Stark and David E. Bloom, The American Economic review, Vol. 75, No. 2
Oded Stark and David Brooks analyze changes in theoretical and empirical research regarding the economics of labor migration. They found that migration behavior in individuals differs in accordance with perceived relative deprivation and skill level. Higher perception of depravity and higher skill levels tend to increase the probability of migration; however, the decision to migrate is rarely an individual decision. Migrants often make this calculated strategy “jointly with some group of non-migrants”, with shared costs and benefits. Although remittances serve as the primary reimbursement to non-migrants, better economic scales for the home labor market can also occur due to the migration out thereby benefiting both the migrant (through higher wages at the new destination) and non-migrant (through more stable wage markets). The authors also suggest some areas in which further study should be considered. In terms of labor market adjustment, more research should be done in the substitutability of international and internal labor migration.
The World Bank Advocates State-guided Economies
The World Bank, in advocating the necessity for cities to understand the concept and theory behind economies and diseconomies of scale and of agglomeration, has also, perhaps unknowingly, become an advocate for a slight version of the state-run, Asian economic model. Although the World Bank has recently expanded its acceptance of various economic theories, the World Bank has seemed to be a strong proponent of the liberalized, capitalistic model of the West, namely the United States, in the past. By supporting an economic model such as the United States’s model, the World Bank would assumedly be in favor of a liberalized approach to economic development. Encouraging the state to step in a take the helm goes against such an advocacy for liberalism. Hidden in the World Bank’s Scale Economies and Agglomeration is a strong case for state-led and state-planned economies.
One of the main purposes of the chapter was to “assess whether policy makers in the developing world have been learning from (scale economies) experience and analysis.” (Scale, 126) And indeed, the closing statement of the assigned reading likewise emphasized the importance of the involvement of municipalities and their governments in their area’s economic development. “…cities and towns should be seen as market agents that, just like firms and farms, serve market needs.” (Scale, 126) Although the content of the chapter could easily pass for an analysis of the natural consequences of a free market and its expansion, the deeper message is one that the Asian tigers, along with China would be proud of.
Throughout the chapter, the World Bank does seem to emphasize that the development of a city and its specific industries can be attributed to natural causes. Small cities naturally specialize in the manufacturing of standard goods, while large cities somehow naturally cater to the service-oriented industries. (Scale, 137) The World Bank also mentions that a city’s history also has a role to play in what type of industry the city and its citizens will work in. (Scale, 138) Yet the government of a city or a country possesses several tools to guide and foster growth in cities and regions.
In fact, the chapter sets out three basic guidelines for policy-makers to follow in regards to cities, trade and ideas. By encouraging or funding certain research or activities, a government can direct the development of certain industry sectors. (Scale, 137) Even through enacting policies to make a city more “business-friendly and livable” may help direct and guide an area’s economic growth. (Scale, 137)
The chapter also talks about how a state’s mismanagement can inhibit economic growth. According to World Bank, economies of scale rely on large pools of human labor, aka high densities of population. When countries try to discourage a population from moving to larger cities, they inhibit the natural growth that comes from a higher density population. The chapter also talks about how the mismanagement of land and its uses could inhibit the economic growth of a region. The chapter states, “The ability and ease of a city to adapt its land to different uses according to changing market needs will enable its sustainable growth.” (Scale, 142) Later, the chapter discusses how investment in the transportation infrastructure of a city is likewise vital to the city’s economic success. (Scale, 144)
Through all of its recommendations on how a city government should handle its growth and development, there is a degree of credence given to a liberal philosophy on economics. For example, when discussing how city governments can handle the management of its land, the chapter says, “Successful cities have relaxed zoning laws to allow higher-value users to bid for valuable land…” (Scale, 142) Yet beneath the overtones of liberalization and market freedom lies the deeper strain of state-guided growth. The final advice of the chapter to cities that they should see themselves as “market forces,” echoes strongly the principles the East Asian development model has.
One of the main purposes of the chapter was to “assess whether policy makers in the developing world have been learning from (scale economies) experience and analysis.” (Scale, 126) And indeed, the closing statement of the assigned reading likewise emphasized the importance of the involvement of municipalities and their governments in their area’s economic development. “…cities and towns should be seen as market agents that, just like firms and farms, serve market needs.” (Scale, 126) Although the content of the chapter could easily pass for an analysis of the natural consequences of a free market and its expansion, the deeper message is one that the Asian tigers, along with China would be proud of.
Throughout the chapter, the World Bank does seem to emphasize that the development of a city and its specific industries can be attributed to natural causes. Small cities naturally specialize in the manufacturing of standard goods, while large cities somehow naturally cater to the service-oriented industries. (Scale, 137) The World Bank also mentions that a city’s history also has a role to play in what type of industry the city and its citizens will work in. (Scale, 138) Yet the government of a city or a country possesses several tools to guide and foster growth in cities and regions.
In fact, the chapter sets out three basic guidelines for policy-makers to follow in regards to cities, trade and ideas. By encouraging or funding certain research or activities, a government can direct the development of certain industry sectors. (Scale, 137) Even through enacting policies to make a city more “business-friendly and livable” may help direct and guide an area’s economic growth. (Scale, 137)
The chapter also talks about how a state’s mismanagement can inhibit economic growth. According to World Bank, economies of scale rely on large pools of human labor, aka high densities of population. When countries try to discourage a population from moving to larger cities, they inhibit the natural growth that comes from a higher density population. The chapter also talks about how the mismanagement of land and its uses could inhibit the economic growth of a region. The chapter states, “The ability and ease of a city to adapt its land to different uses according to changing market needs will enable its sustainable growth.” (Scale, 142) Later, the chapter discusses how investment in the transportation infrastructure of a city is likewise vital to the city’s economic success. (Scale, 144)
Through all of its recommendations on how a city government should handle its growth and development, there is a degree of credence given to a liberal philosophy on economics. For example, when discussing how city governments can handle the management of its land, the chapter says, “Successful cities have relaxed zoning laws to allow higher-value users to bid for valuable land…” (Scale, 142) Yet beneath the overtones of liberalization and market freedom lies the deeper strain of state-guided growth. The final advice of the chapter to cities that they should see themselves as “market forces,” echoes strongly the principles the East Asian development model has.
National Borders and National Identity
While many people might think that globalization would eliminate national borders as the world becomes more of a global society, in fact many national borders are actually becoming more important. They provide a means of breaking the world into manageable parts and they provide the basis for the identity of these parts.
While in theory, globalization would create a world where distance would not be an issue in trade, the fact is that we live in a physical world that makes this impossible. Transportation will always cost something, meaning that distance will also matter to some extent (Wolf, 178-180). Nation-states provide divisions in the world that break communities up into manageable parts. It would be nearly impossible for the world to be governed by one centralized government. By having national borders, the globe is divided into smaller sections that can be more easily governed and managed. But by having many separate components, competition is unavoidable.
One result of globalization has been international polarization. As some economies open up and develop quickly, others lag behind. As the differences between economies and societies become greater, people are more likely to try to more towards the societies and nations with higher standards of living. In order to try to limit the number of immigrants into a country, nations often strengthen their borders. The strengthening of borders does not deter all people from trying to travel from nation to nation, though. Because of this, as national borders are strengthened the amount of illegal border crossing and crime also tends to increase. This tends to be a concern for nations that are trying to form a united front with which to compete in the global market. The strengthening of borders is a means of establishing a set national identity.
“In some sense the identity has been stipulated by a real border of this or that space. But this space is no more only physical in the epoch of globalization. The identity is impossible without borders, because a border, as it was noted by Martin Heidegger, is not the place where something ends, but it is the place where something starts to exist” (Liahchylin, 108). Borders do not tell where something ends, but rather where it begins. Borders are a necessary means of establishing identity, in this case national identity. They provide a means of separating “us” from “them”.
As globalization makes trade more competitive, nations feel additionally pressure to succeed. This pressure usually causes a nation to become more united in trying to rise to the challenge. Nationalism and national identity become more important. “Although many anticipated that globalization foreshadowed a ‘virtual’ world in which national borders would be largely irrelevant, instead it appears that many Western nations are reconstituting and reinforcing geographic and social divisions through border reconstruction projects, reaffirming the importance of ‘place’-based privileges and rights, as well as ‘insider’ verses ‘outsider’ identities” (Wonders, 1).
The rise in nationalism that can stem from globalization can lead to international conflict as nations vie for power and influence globally. As the globe becomes more interconnected, it actually can become more divided. As nations try to protect and preserve their own interests from their increasing global competition, they can become more closed and strengthen their borders. “Despite widespread claims about the porosity of borders and the diminished power of nation-states under globalization, borders remain critically important and nation-states are key players in the construction of the global economy” (Wonders, 1). Nation-state can look to borders as providing the basis for a national identity to gather around.
“As the source of order and basis of governance, the state will remain in the future as effective, and will be as essential, as it has ever been” (Wolf, 190). Borders break the globe into manageable parts that compete in the global economy. They provide a stable basis of identity for nation-states that allow them to unite to be able to compete. “National identity is one of a few remained sources of sense in the modern world” (Liahchylin, 111).
Liahchylin, Anatol and Tatsiana Astrouskaya. The Specificity of the National Identity in the Epoch of Globalization. Limes, 2008, Vol. 1, No. 2. pg 108-112. http://www.limes.vgtu.lt/upload/limes_zurn/2_liahchylin_108-112.pdf
Wolf, Martin. Will the Nation-State Survive Globalization?. Foreign Affairs: Volume 80, No. 1, January / February 2001. pg 178-190. http://www.fpvmv.umb.sk/fpvmv_www/phprs/storage/File/ksp/GLUN/S_Wolf_FA.pdf
Wonder, Nancy A. Globalization, Border Reconstruction Projects, and Transnational Crime. Social Justice, Summer 2007. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3427/is_2_34/ai_n29429010/pg_1?tag=content;col1
While in theory, globalization would create a world where distance would not be an issue in trade, the fact is that we live in a physical world that makes this impossible. Transportation will always cost something, meaning that distance will also matter to some extent (Wolf, 178-180). Nation-states provide divisions in the world that break communities up into manageable parts. It would be nearly impossible for the world to be governed by one centralized government. By having national borders, the globe is divided into smaller sections that can be more easily governed and managed. But by having many separate components, competition is unavoidable.
One result of globalization has been international polarization. As some economies open up and develop quickly, others lag behind. As the differences between economies and societies become greater, people are more likely to try to more towards the societies and nations with higher standards of living. In order to try to limit the number of immigrants into a country, nations often strengthen their borders. The strengthening of borders does not deter all people from trying to travel from nation to nation, though. Because of this, as national borders are strengthened the amount of illegal border crossing and crime also tends to increase. This tends to be a concern for nations that are trying to form a united front with which to compete in the global market. The strengthening of borders is a means of establishing a set national identity.
“In some sense the identity has been stipulated by a real border of this or that space. But this space is no more only physical in the epoch of globalization. The identity is impossible without borders, because a border, as it was noted by Martin Heidegger, is not the place where something ends, but it is the place where something starts to exist” (Liahchylin, 108). Borders do not tell where something ends, but rather where it begins. Borders are a necessary means of establishing identity, in this case national identity. They provide a means of separating “us” from “them”.
As globalization makes trade more competitive, nations feel additionally pressure to succeed. This pressure usually causes a nation to become more united in trying to rise to the challenge. Nationalism and national identity become more important. “Although many anticipated that globalization foreshadowed a ‘virtual’ world in which national borders would be largely irrelevant, instead it appears that many Western nations are reconstituting and reinforcing geographic and social divisions through border reconstruction projects, reaffirming the importance of ‘place’-based privileges and rights, as well as ‘insider’ verses ‘outsider’ identities” (Wonders, 1).
The rise in nationalism that can stem from globalization can lead to international conflict as nations vie for power and influence globally. As the globe becomes more interconnected, it actually can become more divided. As nations try to protect and preserve their own interests from their increasing global competition, they can become more closed and strengthen their borders. “Despite widespread claims about the porosity of borders and the diminished power of nation-states under globalization, borders remain critically important and nation-states are key players in the construction of the global economy” (Wonders, 1). Nation-state can look to borders as providing the basis for a national identity to gather around.
“As the source of order and basis of governance, the state will remain in the future as effective, and will be as essential, as it has ever been” (Wolf, 190). Borders break the globe into manageable parts that compete in the global economy. They provide a stable basis of identity for nation-states that allow them to unite to be able to compete. “National identity is one of a few remained sources of sense in the modern world” (Liahchylin, 111).
Liahchylin, Anatol and Tatsiana Astrouskaya. The Specificity of the National Identity in the Epoch of Globalization. Limes, 2008, Vol. 1, No. 2. pg 108-112. http://www.limes.vgtu.lt/upload/limes_zurn/2_liahchylin_108-112.pdf
Wolf, Martin. Will the Nation-State Survive Globalization?. Foreign Affairs: Volume 80, No. 1, January / February 2001. pg 178-190. http://www.fpvmv.umb.sk/fpvmv_www/phprs/storage/File/ksp/GLUN/S_Wolf_FA.pdf
Wonder, Nancy A. Globalization, Border Reconstruction Projects, and Transnational Crime. Social Justice, Summer 2007. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3427/is_2_34/ai_n29429010/pg_1?tag=content;col1
The Missing Puzzle Piece
Fred Robins’ Asia’s 1997 Crash: its Character, Causes and Consequences added further explanation to some of the possible underlying factors of the Asian financial crisis. Although his purposes in the article went further than just an explanation of the crash to its modern day consequences, he did spend a deal of time discussing the causes of the financial crisis. Yet instead of adding clarity to my understanding, though, as might be expected when further explanation is given through a paper, the further explanations and reasons for the 1997 Asian market collapse only exacerbated and confused me. I could not determine the point of my exacerbation until the end of the paper when I realized that, despite adding pieces of explanation to the puzzle of the Asian financial crisis, there still remained one glaring gap of explanation, and the gap is the role of culture, of tradition, of history – of humanity.
The articles our class has read so far have lightly touched on the role of tradition, culture, history, humanity, whichever you would like to call it. In Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model, T.J. Pempel mentions that analyses of the culture and value systems of Asia exist. However, he deals with their possibility in one fell sentence and promptly moves on to more economist-friendly factors. (Pempel, 32) In the reading for today’s class, Asia’s 1997 Crash, Fred Robins devotes his time to a brief analysis of the causes of the crisis and then to a more lengthy speculation to the crisis’s consequences. In his discussion on the Asian model, he wanders for a moment into the realm of humanity, but quickly returns to the path of numbers and data. Robins mentions the possible influence of Confucian or Asian values, but states, “The chapter avoids such contentious issues.” (Robins, 45)
In all fairness, a discussion on the impact of culture or history on the financial structure of a country does allow room for an infinitely broad topic of analysis and debate. Without the guidance of concrete numbers in the form of GDP or FDI or any other economic fact or even policy, the analysis honestly can become depressingly long and complicated and as Robins said “contentious.” (Robins, 45) However, just because none of the authors we have read thus far seem willing to enter that debate, does not mean other analysts have not dared to enter. The mere fact that both Pempel and Robins allude to the existence of the analysis of such factors hints that some experts in the field believe culture is important.
Indeed, a simple google search on the social and cultural factors of the Asian financial crisis can bring up a myriad of academic papers and sources. One such source takes an exhaustive look at the cultural factors involved in the development of the East Asian economic model. In Cultural Factors and Economic Performance in East Asia and Latin America, Jiang Shixue qualifies his intense interest of the influence of culture on economy and goes further by separating the analysis of culture. He says,
“In pinpointing the causes of underdevelopment, some people would put more emphasis on external factors, such as: a long history of colonial dominance and exploitation, unequal exchanges and the absence of a just international economic order. However, it is also necessary to pay enough attention to internal factors. As a matter of fact, development is the result of both external and internal factors, and in many cases, internal factors should always play a more important or even decisive role.” (Jiang, 8)
Jiang goes on to cite other scholars, such as Max Weber and Joseph Schumpeter, who have paid special attention to the element of culture in an economic development model. Jiang concludes his article by stating that culture cannot fully and independently explain the reasons behind the rise and fall of East Asian markets. However, he does offer culture as a valuable part of the equation. This final, even if complicated, piece of the financial crisis may be the block that has been missing in my understanding of the Asian financial crisis. Although I understand how difficult such abstract analyses can become, a brief discussion or reading – something more than a simple sentence or paragraph – might provide a better framework and foundation upon which to understand the colossus of a crisis I have been attempting to understand.
Sources:
Pempel, T.J., Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model
Robins, Fred, Asia's 1997 Crash: its Character, Causes and Consequences
Jiang, Shixue, Cultural Factors and Economic Performance in East Asia and Latin America, http://orpheus.ucsd.edu/las/studies/pdfs/jiang.pdf
The articles our class has read so far have lightly touched on the role of tradition, culture, history, humanity, whichever you would like to call it. In Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model, T.J. Pempel mentions that analyses of the culture and value systems of Asia exist. However, he deals with their possibility in one fell sentence and promptly moves on to more economist-friendly factors. (Pempel, 32) In the reading for today’s class, Asia’s 1997 Crash, Fred Robins devotes his time to a brief analysis of the causes of the crisis and then to a more lengthy speculation to the crisis’s consequences. In his discussion on the Asian model, he wanders for a moment into the realm of humanity, but quickly returns to the path of numbers and data. Robins mentions the possible influence of Confucian or Asian values, but states, “The chapter avoids such contentious issues.” (Robins, 45)
In all fairness, a discussion on the impact of culture or history on the financial structure of a country does allow room for an infinitely broad topic of analysis and debate. Without the guidance of concrete numbers in the form of GDP or FDI or any other economic fact or even policy, the analysis honestly can become depressingly long and complicated and as Robins said “contentious.” (Robins, 45) However, just because none of the authors we have read thus far seem willing to enter that debate, does not mean other analysts have not dared to enter. The mere fact that both Pempel and Robins allude to the existence of the analysis of such factors hints that some experts in the field believe culture is important.
Indeed, a simple google search on the social and cultural factors of the Asian financial crisis can bring up a myriad of academic papers and sources. One such source takes an exhaustive look at the cultural factors involved in the development of the East Asian economic model. In Cultural Factors and Economic Performance in East Asia and Latin America, Jiang Shixue qualifies his intense interest of the influence of culture on economy and goes further by separating the analysis of culture. He says,
“In pinpointing the causes of underdevelopment, some people would put more emphasis on external factors, such as: a long history of colonial dominance and exploitation, unequal exchanges and the absence of a just international economic order. However, it is also necessary to pay enough attention to internal factors. As a matter of fact, development is the result of both external and internal factors, and in many cases, internal factors should always play a more important or even decisive role.” (Jiang, 8)
Jiang goes on to cite other scholars, such as Max Weber and Joseph Schumpeter, who have paid special attention to the element of culture in an economic development model. Jiang concludes his article by stating that culture cannot fully and independently explain the reasons behind the rise and fall of East Asian markets. However, he does offer culture as a valuable part of the equation. This final, even if complicated, piece of the financial crisis may be the block that has been missing in my understanding of the Asian financial crisis. Although I understand how difficult such abstract analyses can become, a brief discussion or reading – something more than a simple sentence or paragraph – might provide a better framework and foundation upon which to understand the colossus of a crisis I have been attempting to understand.
Sources:
Pempel, T.J., Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model
Robins, Fred, Asia's 1997 Crash: its Character, Causes and Consequences
Jiang, Shixue, Cultural Factors and Economic Performance in East Asia and Latin America, http://orpheus.ucsd.edu/las/studies/pdfs/jiang.pdf
China's "Foreign" Direct Investments?
Jessica Moeller
INST310 – Globalization and China
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a large role in China’s recent economic development. A large part of the capital that China has used to grow its economy has come in the form of FDI. As such, understanding the nature of FDI coming into China is important to understanding how China has been able to develop economically. One major distinguishing factor of FDI in China is where it has come from.
“China is unique in the sense that a substantial proportion of total FDI is from the Chinese Diaspora” (Wei & Balasubramanyam, 31). The large part of FDI coming into China comes from Chinese living abroad. There is a large number of Chinese living outside of China. These individuals therefore have to potential to be a significant economic force, and often are. Chinese living abroad tend to be comparatively willing to invest in their native country. “China has had a large and wealthy diaspora that has long been eager to help the motherland, and its money has been warmly received” (Huang & Khanna, 75).
Additionally, China’s definition of “foreign” sources is rather vague: “a company is ‘foreign’ as long as its place of registration is outside Mainland China” (Li, 23). As such, a large portion of FDI coming into China comes Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. “During the 1990s, more than half of China’s FDI came from overseas Chinese sources” (Huang & Khanna, 80). In 1992, it comprised around 80%, though it decreased to 45% in 2000 (Wei & Balasubramanyam, 11).
Another source of China’s FDI comes from round tripping of funds. Round tripping is “when a company exports to set up a subsidiary and then imports the money back into China as FDI” (Huang & Pei). This is often done in order “to increase their property rights and political status” (Huang & Pei). In the case of China, up until the beginning of 2008, foreign investments were not taxed, while domestic ones were. In order to get around these taxes, Chinese companies often used round-tripping methods to invest funds. Additionally, round tripping provided property rights protection, could be positively affected by exchange rates, and allowed for competitiveness in overseas financial services (Xiao, 11). Because of the disproportionate benefit that round-tripped funds provided as compared with regular domestic funds, many Chinese companies engaged in these practices. Because of “the intrinsic secrecy nature of round-tripping capital, it is almost impossible to obtain a direct and accurate measure on the scale of the round-tripping FDI” (Xiao, 2). Most estimates are high, though; one estimate states that, “PRC’s round tripping ratio is likely to be around 40% or within the rage of 30% to 50%” (Xiao, 23). Realizing that such a large proportion of Chinese FDI is actually round-tripped funds is essential to accurately understand the impact that FDI will have on China. One researcher argues that, “since the capital is originated from China, the positive externalities of genuine FDI could not occur” (Li, 23). China’s economic growth does not, therefore, owe as much to actual foreign entities as it might at first seem.
By not knowing the source of FDI and the extent of round tripping, the way that FDI are viewed and managed may not be as ideal as would like to be thought. “Round tripping also distorts data on FDI in China, which may not only influence the effectiveness and official management of China’s FDI utilization, but also brings risks to China’s financial system” (Li, 24).
In January of 2008, Chinese law changed so that domestic and foreign investments will be treated equally in regard to taxes (Li, 10). This change is likely to decrease the amount of round tripping that occurs, which would in turn decrease the amount of FDI coming into China. The impact that this will have on the Chinese economy over time is unknown. The disuse of round tripping would not necessarily decrease the amount of funds in China, but just where they come from – from secondary foreign sources to original domestic ones. At this point it is just speculation, though.
As can be seen, much of China’s FDI is from Chinese sources – be they Chinese individuals living abroad or Chinese companies engaging in round tripping practices. While the international factors influencing China’s economic development must not be forgotten, the type and amount of impact that they actually have should be clearly distinguished. Domestic factors should not be overlooked and should be understood in the larger context. The success of China’s FDI-driven approach relies on this accurate understanding.
Sources:
Huang, Yasheng and Tarun Khanna. Can India Overtake China? Foreign Policy: 2003. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/Ning/archive/archive/137/13.PDF
Huang, Yasheng and Minxin Pei. Foreign Direct Investments in China: Why Surging Levels May Indicate Serious Economic Problems. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: Jan 16, 2003. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/events/?fa=eventDetail&id=566
Li, Jinyan. The Rise and Fall of Chinese Tax Incentives and Implications for International Tax Debates. Florida Tax Review, Forthcoming, CLPE Research Paper No. 5/2008. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1087382
Wei, Yingqi and Balasubramanyam, V. N. Diaspora and Development. The World Economy, Vol. 29, No. 11, pp. 1599-1609, November 2006. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=943848
Xiao, Geng. People’s Republic of China’s Round-Tripping FDI: Scale, Causes, and Implications. Hong Kong Institute of Economics and Business Strategy, Working Papers: July 2004. http://www.hiebs.hku.hk/working_paper_updates/pdf/wp1137.pdf
INST310 – Globalization and China
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has played a large role in China’s recent economic development. A large part of the capital that China has used to grow its economy has come in the form of FDI. As such, understanding the nature of FDI coming into China is important to understanding how China has been able to develop economically. One major distinguishing factor of FDI in China is where it has come from.
“China is unique in the sense that a substantial proportion of total FDI is from the Chinese Diaspora” (Wei & Balasubramanyam, 31). The large part of FDI coming into China comes from Chinese living abroad. There is a large number of Chinese living outside of China. These individuals therefore have to potential to be a significant economic force, and often are. Chinese living abroad tend to be comparatively willing to invest in their native country. “China has had a large and wealthy diaspora that has long been eager to help the motherland, and its money has been warmly received” (Huang & Khanna, 75).
Additionally, China’s definition of “foreign” sources is rather vague: “a company is ‘foreign’ as long as its place of registration is outside Mainland China” (Li, 23). As such, a large portion of FDI coming into China comes Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. “During the 1990s, more than half of China’s FDI came from overseas Chinese sources” (Huang & Khanna, 80). In 1992, it comprised around 80%, though it decreased to 45% in 2000 (Wei & Balasubramanyam, 11).
Another source of China’s FDI comes from round tripping of funds. Round tripping is “when a company exports to set up a subsidiary and then imports the money back into China as FDI” (Huang & Pei). This is often done in order “to increase their property rights and political status” (Huang & Pei). In the case of China, up until the beginning of 2008, foreign investments were not taxed, while domestic ones were. In order to get around these taxes, Chinese companies often used round-tripping methods to invest funds. Additionally, round tripping provided property rights protection, could be positively affected by exchange rates, and allowed for competitiveness in overseas financial services (Xiao, 11). Because of the disproportionate benefit that round-tripped funds provided as compared with regular domestic funds, many Chinese companies engaged in these practices. Because of “the intrinsic secrecy nature of round-tripping capital, it is almost impossible to obtain a direct and accurate measure on the scale of the round-tripping FDI” (Xiao, 2). Most estimates are high, though; one estimate states that, “PRC’s round tripping ratio is likely to be around 40% or within the rage of 30% to 50%” (Xiao, 23). Realizing that such a large proportion of Chinese FDI is actually round-tripped funds is essential to accurately understand the impact that FDI will have on China. One researcher argues that, “since the capital is originated from China, the positive externalities of genuine FDI could not occur” (Li, 23). China’s economic growth does not, therefore, owe as much to actual foreign entities as it might at first seem.
By not knowing the source of FDI and the extent of round tripping, the way that FDI are viewed and managed may not be as ideal as would like to be thought. “Round tripping also distorts data on FDI in China, which may not only influence the effectiveness and official management of China’s FDI utilization, but also brings risks to China’s financial system” (Li, 24).
In January of 2008, Chinese law changed so that domestic and foreign investments will be treated equally in regard to taxes (Li, 10). This change is likely to decrease the amount of round tripping that occurs, which would in turn decrease the amount of FDI coming into China. The impact that this will have on the Chinese economy over time is unknown. The disuse of round tripping would not necessarily decrease the amount of funds in China, but just where they come from – from secondary foreign sources to original domestic ones. At this point it is just speculation, though.
As can be seen, much of China’s FDI is from Chinese sources – be they Chinese individuals living abroad or Chinese companies engaging in round tripping practices. While the international factors influencing China’s economic development must not be forgotten, the type and amount of impact that they actually have should be clearly distinguished. Domestic factors should not be overlooked and should be understood in the larger context. The success of China’s FDI-driven approach relies on this accurate understanding.
Sources:
Huang, Yasheng and Tarun Khanna. Can India Overtake China? Foreign Policy: 2003. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/Ning/archive/archive/137/13.PDF
Huang, Yasheng and Minxin Pei. Foreign Direct Investments in China: Why Surging Levels May Indicate Serious Economic Problems. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace: Jan 16, 2003. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/events/?fa=eventDetail&id=566
Li, Jinyan. The Rise and Fall of Chinese Tax Incentives and Implications for International Tax Debates. Florida Tax Review, Forthcoming, CLPE Research Paper No. 5/2008. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1087382
Wei, Yingqi and Balasubramanyam, V. N. Diaspora and Development. The World Economy, Vol. 29, No. 11, pp. 1599-1609, November 2006. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=943848
Xiao, Geng. People’s Republic of China’s Round-Tripping FDI: Scale, Causes, and Implications. Hong Kong Institute of Economics and Business Strategy, Working Papers: July 2004. http://www.hiebs.hku.hk/working_paper_updates/pdf/wp1137.pdf
2008: Asian Financial Crisis Part II
Kevin Dodez
INST310: Guo – Asian Tigers & Globalization (Park)
In Park’s comparative analysis of South Korea and Taiwan, I saw a striking similarity between the current credit crisis and the one that occurred during the Asian Financial Crisis. In my mind, it is American domestic policy that encouraged cheap lending through the ubiquity of foreign credit, discouraged domestic savings because of low interest rates, and eventually experienced a meltdown in foreign direct investment and credit availability, mainly foreign loans. In contrast, China’s financial system strongly encouraged domestic savings, discouraged financing development through foreign loans, and prevented firms from becoming highly leveraged.
South Korea and Taiwan experienced two different types of challenges during the Asian Financial Crisis because of the different areas each government placed emphasis during development. It is the relationship that each developmental government chose to have with international financial system that decided its fate.
Much like Latin American countries using Import-Substitution-Industrialization techniques, South Korea depended on foreign loans rather than foreign direct investment to retain control of domestic industries and continue pursuing policies of rapid growth, investing in capital-intensive export-oriented industries. Like Latin American countries, South Korea was left vulnerable to external flux in global finance. When prices in global commodities, like oil, rise and fall, there are direct effects on the availability of global credit.
Taiwan’s emphasis on domestic financial stability through controlling inflation enhanced competitiveness by fostering a domestic credit market, basically a more controllable alternative to international finance. Although no country is immune to changes from global shifts in political policy, this move left Taiwan less vulnerable to changes in international financial markets. In the past year, China has risen as the least impacted by the current credit crisis for much of the same reasons.
When looking at Park’s analysis in light of recent events, two lessons be drawn from the comparison of South Korea and Taiwan: domestic financial stability and high savings rates will cushion the impact of dramatic changes in international financial markets; review of our current global financial system is still needed. One can only wonder how the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis was allowed to replay itself in magnified form this past year. The analysis of South Korea shows that overdependence on foreign capital markets, through accumulation of foreign loans, causes an economic interdependence that is highly vulnerable to external shock. Fast-forward to the present and one can see the United States also accumulated large amounts of foreign loans to continue funding “development” (in this case the real estate “boom”) and eventually pulled every major economy on the globe into its financial troubles.
This unchecked economic interdependence suggests that a World Financial Organization (WFO), similar to the international organization now monitoring trade and commerce, may be needed to regulate the use of different financial instruments including loans and investments so as to avoid one country or region’s debtor dominance—making each country at least partially responsible to foster a domestic credit market through savings. As Park states, “stability should not be sacrificed to growth” (163).
INST310: Guo – Asian Tigers & Globalization (Park)
In Park’s comparative analysis of South Korea and Taiwan, I saw a striking similarity between the current credit crisis and the one that occurred during the Asian Financial Crisis. In my mind, it is American domestic policy that encouraged cheap lending through the ubiquity of foreign credit, discouraged domestic savings because of low interest rates, and eventually experienced a meltdown in foreign direct investment and credit availability, mainly foreign loans. In contrast, China’s financial system strongly encouraged domestic savings, discouraged financing development through foreign loans, and prevented firms from becoming highly leveraged.
South Korea and Taiwan experienced two different types of challenges during the Asian Financial Crisis because of the different areas each government placed emphasis during development. It is the relationship that each developmental government chose to have with international financial system that decided its fate.
Much like Latin American countries using Import-Substitution-Industrialization techniques, South Korea depended on foreign loans rather than foreign direct investment to retain control of domestic industries and continue pursuing policies of rapid growth, investing in capital-intensive export-oriented industries. Like Latin American countries, South Korea was left vulnerable to external flux in global finance. When prices in global commodities, like oil, rise and fall, there are direct effects on the availability of global credit.
Taiwan’s emphasis on domestic financial stability through controlling inflation enhanced competitiveness by fostering a domestic credit market, basically a more controllable alternative to international finance. Although no country is immune to changes from global shifts in political policy, this move left Taiwan less vulnerable to changes in international financial markets. In the past year, China has risen as the least impacted by the current credit crisis for much of the same reasons.
When looking at Park’s analysis in light of recent events, two lessons be drawn from the comparison of South Korea and Taiwan: domestic financial stability and high savings rates will cushion the impact of dramatic changes in international financial markets; review of our current global financial system is still needed. One can only wonder how the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis was allowed to replay itself in magnified form this past year. The analysis of South Korea shows that overdependence on foreign capital markets, through accumulation of foreign loans, causes an economic interdependence that is highly vulnerable to external shock. Fast-forward to the present and one can see the United States also accumulated large amounts of foreign loans to continue funding “development” (in this case the real estate “boom”) and eventually pulled every major economy on the globe into its financial troubles.
This unchecked economic interdependence suggests that a World Financial Organization (WFO), similar to the international organization now monitoring trade and commerce, may be needed to regulate the use of different financial instruments including loans and investments so as to avoid one country or region’s debtor dominance—making each country at least partially responsible to foster a domestic credit market through savings. As Park states, “stability should not be sacrificed to growth” (163).
The Japanese Model is Applicable Today
Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model
Inst 310
Gang Guo
In Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model, T.J. Pempel resurrects “Asia’s former behemoth,” Japan, (Pempel, 29) and places him on the stage of economic development models. Pempel implores his readers to not discount the rise and fall of one of Asia’s economic tigers, and makes a convincing argument that despite its sudden and unfortunate demise, the model used in Japan is one that still has applications today. A closer, yet at the same time, broader look at the pros and cons of Japan’s economic model shed light on a truly foreign region of the globe, while also giving guidance to understanding the current and possibly soon-at-hand economic situation of Asia’s newest tiger, China.
Although Pempel’s essay focuses on the already passed rise and fall of Japan’s economy, with occasional glances at neighboring Korea and Taiwan, the points Pempel makes have immediate application to China. The sudden success China has met, along with some economic, political and social factors match up with the factors Pempel points out that led to Japan’s economic model’s success and failure. The global market trend toward liberalization served as the major bump in Japan’s road to continued economic growth. China is fast approaching the same road-block and will soon have to decide how to deal with it and if they can deal with it.
In a commentary on the changing economy of China, Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, says that while China’s economy has so far modeled itself after other East Asian countries’ economies, China is now attempting to bypass the problems the other Asian tigers encountered by adapting to a changing global market. He says, “China is attempting to move away from the export-led growth strategy that it and other East Asian countries have pursued.” (Stiglitz) To Stiglitz, this means China will have to drastically improve upon its domestic market, making goods and technologies available to its own citizens.
Interestingly enough, a failure on the part of Japan’s government to focus on its own consumers partly resulted in its economic failure. Pempel says, “…many of the policies pursued in Japan were strongly ‘anti-market’ at home, insulating numerous sectors from international competition and protecting an increasing number of global non-competitive firms at high costs to domestic consumers.” (Pempel, 35,36)
Japan was partly able to shelter its own domestic market export-driven companies because foreign countries were willing to allow them to do so. Stiglitz says that Japan, along with Korea and Taiwan were able to export to the United States, while retaining a relatively closed home market. (Stiglitz, 38) The favor bestowed upon the developing Asian economies shifted, though, with the shift in U.S. foreign relations. Stiglitz says, “…changes in US behavior made it increasingly problematic for old patterns of East Asian insularity to continue.” (Stiglitz, 39) With the recent change in US administration, China should be wary of a different policy line, as compared to that of President Bush’s administration. As reported on in The New York Times, Obama has hinted that he might plan on being tougher with the Chinese economy and more critical of its currency. Although unknown right now, Obama could decide to force China to “let the value of its currency, the yuan, freely float — a move that would let its value rise and would increase the cost of its exports.” (New York Times) Ironically, an undercut currency was also one of the factors leading to the uncovering of those Japanese businesses truly adept at surviving competitively and those dependent upon the government’s protection. (Pempel, 39, 40)
These two factors, a need to shift away from a export-driven economy and foreign countries’ changing economic policies, are simply two of many more comparisons that could be drawn between Pempel’s analysis of Japan’s economy story. Although Japan was unable to quickly adapt to a liberalizing global market, China still has the opportunity to adjust more quickly than its fellow tiger. International pressure is forcing China to reexamine the focus of its economy and how it deals with other countries’ demands. The Japanese economic model and the story of how it played out can serve as a most relevant example to China in identifying the important components of its current economic situation – what is at stake and how to (or not to) deal with it.
Sources: Pempel, T.J., 2005, Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model
Stiglitz, Joseph, 2007, Project Syndicate: China’s New Economic Model, http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz86
The New York Times, Jan. 22, 2009, Geithner Hints on Harder Line on China Trade, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/23/business/worldbusiness/23treasury.html
Inst 310
Gang Guo
In Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model, T.J. Pempel resurrects “Asia’s former behemoth,” Japan, (Pempel, 29) and places him on the stage of economic development models. Pempel implores his readers to not discount the rise and fall of one of Asia’s economic tigers, and makes a convincing argument that despite its sudden and unfortunate demise, the model used in Japan is one that still has applications today. A closer, yet at the same time, broader look at the pros and cons of Japan’s economic model shed light on a truly foreign region of the globe, while also giving guidance to understanding the current and possibly soon-at-hand economic situation of Asia’s newest tiger, China.
Although Pempel’s essay focuses on the already passed rise and fall of Japan’s economy, with occasional glances at neighboring Korea and Taiwan, the points Pempel makes have immediate application to China. The sudden success China has met, along with some economic, political and social factors match up with the factors Pempel points out that led to Japan’s economic model’s success and failure. The global market trend toward liberalization served as the major bump in Japan’s road to continued economic growth. China is fast approaching the same road-block and will soon have to decide how to deal with it and if they can deal with it.
In a commentary on the changing economy of China, Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, says that while China’s economy has so far modeled itself after other East Asian countries’ economies, China is now attempting to bypass the problems the other Asian tigers encountered by adapting to a changing global market. He says, “China is attempting to move away from the export-led growth strategy that it and other East Asian countries have pursued.” (Stiglitz) To Stiglitz, this means China will have to drastically improve upon its domestic market, making goods and technologies available to its own citizens.
Interestingly enough, a failure on the part of Japan’s government to focus on its own consumers partly resulted in its economic failure. Pempel says, “…many of the policies pursued in Japan were strongly ‘anti-market’ at home, insulating numerous sectors from international competition and protecting an increasing number of global non-competitive firms at high costs to domestic consumers.” (Pempel, 35,36)
Japan was partly able to shelter its own domestic market export-driven companies because foreign countries were willing to allow them to do so. Stiglitz says that Japan, along with Korea and Taiwan were able to export to the United States, while retaining a relatively closed home market. (Stiglitz, 38) The favor bestowed upon the developing Asian economies shifted, though, with the shift in U.S. foreign relations. Stiglitz says, “…changes in US behavior made it increasingly problematic for old patterns of East Asian insularity to continue.” (Stiglitz, 39) With the recent change in US administration, China should be wary of a different policy line, as compared to that of President Bush’s administration. As reported on in The New York Times, Obama has hinted that he might plan on being tougher with the Chinese economy and more critical of its currency. Although unknown right now, Obama could decide to force China to “let the value of its currency, the yuan, freely float — a move that would let its value rise and would increase the cost of its exports.” (New York Times) Ironically, an undercut currency was also one of the factors leading to the uncovering of those Japanese businesses truly adept at surviving competitively and those dependent upon the government’s protection. (Pempel, 39, 40)
These two factors, a need to shift away from a export-driven economy and foreign countries’ changing economic policies, are simply two of many more comparisons that could be drawn between Pempel’s analysis of Japan’s economy story. Although Japan was unable to quickly adapt to a liberalizing global market, China still has the opportunity to adjust more quickly than its fellow tiger. International pressure is forcing China to reexamine the focus of its economy and how it deals with other countries’ demands. The Japanese economic model and the story of how it played out can serve as a most relevant example to China in identifying the important components of its current economic situation – what is at stake and how to (or not to) deal with it.
Sources: Pempel, T.J., 2005, Revisiting the Japanese Economic Model
Stiglitz, Joseph, 2007, Project Syndicate: China’s New Economic Model, http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz86
The New York Times, Jan. 22, 2009, Geithner Hints on Harder Line on China Trade, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/23/business/worldbusiness/23treasury.html
Globalization and the Silk Roads - Essay
Jessica Moeller
INST 310 – Spring 2009
Globalization and the Silk Roads
January 26th, 2009
The main argument of this reading assignment was the significance of the Silk Roads had not only “trans-civilizationally”, but also trans-ecologically. Because many of the settlements along the Silk Roads that participated in exchange cannot be considered civilizations, the language and mindset used in discussing the impact of the Silk Roads should reflect this fact. The different ecologies of these areas seem to have been largely overlooked as a reason for trade. The idea of trans-ecological differences being the impetuous for trade that Christian discusses seems to be supported by outside sources as well.
Christian is not alone in his view of the importance of trans-ecological trade. Philip D. Curtin argues for the importance of trade across ecological borders in his book Cross-Cultural Trade in World History. He states that ecological differences increase the likelihood of trade. “Goods normally pass across this ecological divide with greater intensity than they do in more homogenous environments” (Curtin 16). Curtin explains the reason for this phenomenon:
Where people lived in a homogenous environment stretching over some distance, there was no obvious incentive to trade beyond the village level; nor was there much reason for specialization within the village where almost everyone was necessarily involved in food production. Where different environments lie side by side, specialization and trade become likely. (Curtin 16)
The “differing resource endowments” that different ecologies provide normally lead the people living in these areas to produce different products and develop different technologies (Curtin 16). Individuals working in agriculture will produce products different than those who herd animals. These individuals are therefore likely to trade their products with each other in order to get products that they do not have and likely cannot make themselves. This simple idea is the basis of trans-ecological exchange.
The geography of the Silk Roads makes the application of this hypothesis fitting. The Silk Roads stretched across many different environments from China to the Mediterranean – from deserts, to arid steppes, to temperate plains. The different flora and fauna of these areas would provide different resources to the people living there. These individuals would therefore be able and likely to produce different products to exchange. Christian’s research seems to have found examples of products being exchanged trans-ecologically in addition to trans-civilizationally.
Another study on a trade route also found difference in ecology to be a reason for trade. Indrajit Ray and Ratna Sarkar’s study of the nineteenth century trade route between Bhutan and Assam found also that trans-ecological trade was important to that trade route. “The nature of the commodities traded between Bhutan and Assam indicates that the trade route gave rise to trans-ecological exchanges in conformity with the hypothesis of Curtin“ (Ray and Sarkar 23). This would be an example that supports the analysis that Christian gives of the Silk Roads trade routes.
It makes sense that trans-ecological differences would be an important reason for trade. It seems that when talking about the Silk Roads trans-civilizational trade has almost solely been discussed and studied. This is likely because civilizations are much easier to study than are smaller communities and are therefore more easily understood. Their importance seems to have overshadowed the importance that ecological differences may have played, though this aspect is now beginning to be researched.
Sources:
Christian, David. Silk Roads or Steppe Roads?: The Silk Roads in World History. Journal of World History, Vol 11, No. 1, 2000.
Curtain, P.D. Cross Cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985.
Ray, Indrajit and Ratna Sarkar. Reconstructing Nineteenth Century Trade Route between Bhutan and Assam: Evidences from British Political Missions. Journal of Bhutan Studies, Vol. 13, Winter 2005.
INST 310 – Spring 2009
Globalization and the Silk Roads
January 26th, 2009
The main argument of this reading assignment was the significance of the Silk Roads had not only “trans-civilizationally”, but also trans-ecologically. Because many of the settlements along the Silk Roads that participated in exchange cannot be considered civilizations, the language and mindset used in discussing the impact of the Silk Roads should reflect this fact. The different ecologies of these areas seem to have been largely overlooked as a reason for trade. The idea of trans-ecological differences being the impetuous for trade that Christian discusses seems to be supported by outside sources as well.
Christian is not alone in his view of the importance of trans-ecological trade. Philip D. Curtin argues for the importance of trade across ecological borders in his book Cross-Cultural Trade in World History. He states that ecological differences increase the likelihood of trade. “Goods normally pass across this ecological divide with greater intensity than they do in more homogenous environments” (Curtin 16). Curtin explains the reason for this phenomenon:
Where people lived in a homogenous environment stretching over some distance, there was no obvious incentive to trade beyond the village level; nor was there much reason for specialization within the village where almost everyone was necessarily involved in food production. Where different environments lie side by side, specialization and trade become likely. (Curtin 16)
The “differing resource endowments” that different ecologies provide normally lead the people living in these areas to produce different products and develop different technologies (Curtin 16). Individuals working in agriculture will produce products different than those who herd animals. These individuals are therefore likely to trade their products with each other in order to get products that they do not have and likely cannot make themselves. This simple idea is the basis of trans-ecological exchange.
The geography of the Silk Roads makes the application of this hypothesis fitting. The Silk Roads stretched across many different environments from China to the Mediterranean – from deserts, to arid steppes, to temperate plains. The different flora and fauna of these areas would provide different resources to the people living there. These individuals would therefore be able and likely to produce different products to exchange. Christian’s research seems to have found examples of products being exchanged trans-ecologically in addition to trans-civilizationally.
Another study on a trade route also found difference in ecology to be a reason for trade. Indrajit Ray and Ratna Sarkar’s study of the nineteenth century trade route between Bhutan and Assam found also that trans-ecological trade was important to that trade route. “The nature of the commodities traded between Bhutan and Assam indicates that the trade route gave rise to trans-ecological exchanges in conformity with the hypothesis of Curtin“ (Ray and Sarkar 23). This would be an example that supports the analysis that Christian gives of the Silk Roads trade routes.
It makes sense that trans-ecological differences would be an important reason for trade. It seems that when talking about the Silk Roads trans-civilizational trade has almost solely been discussed and studied. This is likely because civilizations are much easier to study than are smaller communities and are therefore more easily understood. Their importance seems to have overshadowed the importance that ecological differences may have played, though this aspect is now beginning to be researched.
Sources:
Christian, David. Silk Roads or Steppe Roads?: The Silk Roads in World History. Journal of World History, Vol 11, No. 1, 2000.
Curtain, P.D. Cross Cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985.
Ray, Indrajit and Ratna Sarkar. Reconstructing Nineteenth Century Trade Route between Bhutan and Assam: Evidences from British Political Missions. Journal of Bhutan Studies, Vol. 13, Winter 2005.
Syllabus
The University of Mississippi
Spring 2009, Tuesdays and Thursdays, 10:50 - 11:55, 306 Croft Institute
Instructor: Dr. Gang Guo * Office: 128 Deupree Hall * Telephone: (662) 915-5419 * e-mail: gg at olemiss dot edu
Office hours: by appointment
| Overview | Objectives | Structure | Materials | Grades | Schedule |
|---|
Course Overview
This undergraduate seminar course provides an in-depth and multi-disciplinary look at the phenomena, causes, and consequences of globalization. Although most of the course content has a regional focus on East Asia, the theoretical and empirical foundations of many of the issues covered in this course are not strictly constrained to this part of the world and can be easily applied elsewhere.
The course starts with a broad historical overview of the phenomena of globalization as it relates to East Asia. The Silk Road is an early example of globalization in human history, while the experiences of Japan, the "Asian Mini-dragons," and China in the past half-century exemplifies the multi-faceted nature of globalization.
The course then turns to the explanations of globalization, especially from an economics point of view, combining abstract discussions of the important concepts and theories in economic globalization with concrete examples and empirical evidence.
The third part of the course will be devoted to the various consequences of globalization, which fuel many of the contemporary debates on the normative implications of globalization. We will examine the impact of globalization on international relations (neoliberalism, US-China symbiosis, etc.), on democratization, on fiscal policies, on labor rights, on the environment, and so on.
This course is especially suitable for students at the Croft Institute for International Studies because:
- The format of the course is a seminar in a small classroom, with strict limit on the number of students who can enroll in the course. The constraint on class size means more individual attention paid to each student, more opportunities for class participation, questions and answers, better design of course materials adapted to meet students' needs, and easier utilization of instructional and information technologies.
- The course has a substantive emphasis on contemporary real-world issues in global politics and policy. The abstract concepts and theories are illustrated by actual examples and empirical data, and the underlying substantive issues are those that international studies majors are interested in and care about.
- The required readings for each seminar session are real examples of contemporary academic research on the topic of globalization. By critically reviewing other scholars' research products, students can potentially apply the concepts and methods learned in this course to other social science research projects that international studies majors often deal with in their course work or senior theses.
Course Objectives
By the end of the semester, students should be able:
- to understand the basic concepts and theories of globalization;
- to describe and explain the phenomena of globalization in East Asia;
- and to contribute to the contemporary debate on the consequences of globalization as it relates to East Asia.
Course Structure
The format of the course is seminars rather than lectures, and so student participation is not only encouraged but really essential. The class will meet two times a week, each lasting for 75 minutes. It is imperative for students to complete the required reading before each class and attend all class sessions. The seminar is designed to highlight subjects of particular interest or difficulty in an interactive manner rather than for the instructor to lecture on the information presented in the textbook and other course materials. Students are expected to make creative and meaningful contributions to class discussion, not only demonstrating their familiarity with the course content but also critically reviewing the reading assignments for each class. Moreover, much learning will take place outside the classroom setting, such as during group study sessions.
Course Materials
We will be using the following (free online) textbooks for this course:
- Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw. 2002. Commanding Heights: The Battle Between Government and the Marketplace that is Remaking the Modern World - Episode Three: The New Rules of the Game. ISBN: 1-578079-61-6.
- Wall Street Journal. 2009. WSJ news on East Asia.
- World Bank. 2008. World Development Report 2009: Reshaping Economic Geography. ISBN: 0-8213-7607-1.
The links to reading assignments for each class are listed in the course schedule below. Most of the readings are contemporary journal articles or book chapters of social science research on important topics in globalization and East Asia. Since the reading assignments may be updated on the course website during the semester, students should check back at the course website before each class.
Course Grades
Grades for this course are distributed as follows: class participation 10%; quizzes 10%; annotated bibliography 15%; short essay 15%; first midterm exam 15%; second midterm exam 15%; final exam 20%.
For each class, one student will be responsible for preparing an annotated bibliography of the relevant academic literature on either of the issue areas covered in classes during that week and turning it in on the day before the class. This bibliography should be no more than two or three pages in length. The assignment of students for each week's annotated bibliography will be determined at the first class on January 22nd.
For each class, one student who is not assigned to write annotated bibliography will write a short essay of two or three pages in length on the issue area covered in that class and turn it in on the day before the class. This short essay may expand an argument raised in one of the reading assignment, may react to a controversy covered in an article, may discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the assigned readings, or may examine some of the key concepts, assumptions, major arguments, debates, methodology, measurement issues, substantive contributions, and/or empirical or theoretical implications. The assignment of students for each week's short essay will be determined at the first class on January 22nd.
There are two in-class midterm exams in this course, one on Tuesday, March 3rd, and the other on Thursday, April 2nd. Besides, there are a limited number of unannounced quizzes to be conducted in class on randomly chosen dates.
The final exam will start at noon on Monday, May 4th according to the schedule published by the registrar's office.
Course Schedule
| Month | Date | Day | Topic | Required Reading | Writing Assignment |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| January | 22 | Thursday | Course overview and administration | ||
| 27 | Tuesday | Globalization and the Silk Road | Christian 2000: 1-26 | J.M. | |
| 29 | Thursday | Globalization and Japan | Pempel 2005: 29-44 | N.D. | |
| February | 3 | Tuesday | Globalization and the Asian Tigers | Park 2000: 141-168 | K.D. |
| 5 | Thursday | Globalization and China | Huang 2003 and Huang and Khanna 2003: 74-81 | J.M. | |
| 10 | Tuesday | Globalization and the Asian Financial Crisis | Robins 2000: 17-52 | N.D. | |
| 12 | Thursday | Globalization and the APEC | APEC Secretariat 2007 | K.D. | |
| 17 | Tuesday | Globalization and national borders | World Bank 2008: 96-121 | J.M. | |
| 19 | Thursday | Globalization and scale economies | World Bank 2008: 126-145 | N.D. | |
| 24 | Tuesday | Globalization and factor mobility | World Bank 2008: 146-169 | K.D. | |
| 26 | Thursday | Globalization and transport cost | World Bank 2008: 170-193 and Rubin and Tal 2008: 4-7 | J.M. | |
| March | 3 | Tuesday | First midterm exam (also the deadline for course withdrawals) | ||
| 5 | Thursday | Globalization and its critics | Bhagwati 2004: 3-27 | N.D. | |
| 10 | Tuesday | Globalization and international relations | Baldwin 1993: 1-25 | K.D. | |
| 12 | Thursday | Globalization and governance | Waltz 1999: 693-700 | J.M. | |
| 24 | Tuesday | Globalization and democratization | Diamond 1999 and 2000; Nye 2001 | N.D. | |
| 26 | Thursday | Globalization and economic growth | Borensztein, De Gregorio, and Lee 1998: 115-135 | J.M. | |
| 31 | Tuesday | Globalization and education spending | Hecock 2006: 950-961 | K.D. | |
| April | 2 | Thursday | Second midterm exam | ||
| 7 | Tuesday | Globalization and welfare spending | Ha 2008: 783-813 | N.D. | |
| 9 | Thursday | Globalization and fiscal transfers | Hansson and Olofsdotter 2008: 1001-1027 | K.D. | |
| 14 | Tuesday | Globalization and labor rights | Mosley and Uno 2007: 923-948 and Kristof 2009: 1 and 2 | J.M. | |
| 16 | Thursday | Globalization and the environment | Christmann and Taylor 2001: 439-458 | N.D. | |
| 21 | Tuesday | Globalization and culture | Cowen and Barber 2003 | J.M. | |
| 23 | Thursday | Globalization and McWorld | Veseth 2005: 1-9 and 121-143 | K.D. | |
| 28 | Tuesday | Globalization and US-China relations | Landler 2008 | N.D. | |
| 30 | Thursday | Globalization and human consequences | Bauman 2000 | K.D. | |
台湾当局对“一国两制”的立场
中国网china.com.cn 2007-07-06
台湾当局对香港回归后形势关注的一个重点是，香港政经形势与“一国两制”实施情况。
大陆提出“一国两制”方针后，台湾当局一开始就不接受，也反对以“香港模式”统一中国。1997年5月28日，李登辉在接受美国《华盛顿时报》专访时表示，“一国两制模式并不适用国家统一，我们相信美国充分理解一国两制并不适合我们。在香港主权移交之后，中华民国将继续关注香港的稳定与繁荣，继续表达反对以香港模式统一中国的决心。”同年6月27日，台湾《中央日报》刊登李登辉在《亚洲华尔街日报》的署名文章，提出两岸是“分治的政治实体”，台湾与香港不同。
台湾“陆委会”于1997年6月发表的《中华民国政府对九七香港情势的立场与政策说帖》中，完整的阐述了台湾当局对“一国两制”的看法与主张，认为大陆提出的“一国两制”构想，“乃是以大陆的‘一国一制’为目标，先将台、港、澳贬抑为地方政府，以遂其吞并野心”。该说帖最核心的立场是，认为“一国两制”的香港模式不能套用于台湾。台湾当局认为，大陆在港实施“一国两制”的目标之一是企图将“一国两制”套用于台湾，认为两岸是“分治”下的对等实体，因此“一国两制”下的地方政府架构设计，台湾方面不能接受。
台湾当局对“一国两制”能否顺利实施，一直持怀疑态度，认为不仅存在着执行的困难，而且无法保证落实“港人治港”与“高度自治”等承诺。《说帖》认为，“作为一个在政治、经济及社会等各方面发展均远远落后于香港的‘宗主国’，中共对香港的管治方式无疑存在着许多困难”；“由于中共向来是人治高于法治，并且常常为了政治目标而牺牲经济利益，因此虽然中共口口声声保证‘一国两制’并非权宜之半，港人仍不免怀疑中共的诚意”。同时认为中共“重一国而轻两制”。
台湾当局对回归后的香港能否落实“一国两制”则持关注与观察立场。一方面，希望大陆“能够遵守其在中英联合声明及香港基本法所作的‘港人治港’及‘高度自治’等承诺”，而且以香港最后一任港督彭定康在1996年10月发表的施政报告提出的“标准”，“对中共在港实施一国两制的情况加以检视”；另一方面，“政府将持续关注香港情势的发展及中共是否真正履行对港人的承诺”。
香港回归后，台湾当局继续强调台湾与香港不同，反对将香港的“一国两制”模式用于台湾。1997年7月3日，李登辉在向国际媒体发表对香港主权移交的看法时表示，“从历史或政治的角度来分析，台湾的情况和香港有很大不同，大陆当局固然可以用它所谓的‘一国两制’把香港纳入它的统治，但是它想用同样的方法来处理海峡两岸分治的局面，就显得过于一厢情愿。因为治理台澎金马的‘中华民国’已经彻底民主化，绝大多数的国民都不赞成中共所主张的国家统一模式。”
民进党执政后，不仅继续强调台湾与香港的不同，认为不能将台湾等同于香港，“一国两制”不适用香港，而且在观念上有所调整与变化。2005年8月，陈水扁提出处理两岸事务的“一个原则，三个坚持，五个反对”中，第二“反对”就是“坚决反对将台湾香港化、澳门化，将台湾变成香港与澳门第二的‘一国两制’”。
总之，不论是国民党当局，还是民进党当局，均对香港的“一国两制”持怀疑态度，更反对将台湾等同香港，反对将“一国两制”模式用于台湾，但对港台关系的发展却持正面看法，采取鼓励政策，从而保证港台关系在两岸关系僵持下仍得以持续平稳发展。
台湾当局对香港回归后形势关注的一个重点是，香港政经形势与“一国两制”实施情况。
大陆提出“一国两制”方针后，台湾当局一开始就不接受，也反对以“香港模式”统一中国。1997年5月28日，李登辉在接受美国《华盛顿时报》专访时表示，“一国两制模式并不适用国家统一，我们相信美国充分理解一国两制并不适合我们。在香港主权移交之后，中华民国将继续关注香港的稳定与繁荣，继续表达反对以香港模式统一中国的决心。”同年6月27日，台湾《中央日报》刊登李登辉在《亚洲华尔街日报》的署名文章，提出两岸是“分治的政治实体”，台湾与香港不同。
台湾“陆委会”于1997年6月发表的《中华民国政府对九七香港情势的立场与政策说帖》中，完整的阐述了台湾当局对“一国两制”的看法与主张，认为大陆提出的“一国两制”构想，“乃是以大陆的‘一国一制’为目标，先将台、港、澳贬抑为地方政府，以遂其吞并野心”。该说帖最核心的立场是，认为“一国两制”的香港模式不能套用于台湾。台湾当局认为，大陆在港实施“一国两制”的目标之一是企图将“一国两制”套用于台湾，认为两岸是“分治”下的对等实体，因此“一国两制”下的地方政府架构设计，台湾方面不能接受。
台湾当局对“一国两制”能否顺利实施，一直持怀疑态度，认为不仅存在着执行的困难，而且无法保证落实“港人治港”与“高度自治”等承诺。《说帖》认为，“作为一个在政治、经济及社会等各方面发展均远远落后于香港的‘宗主国’，中共对香港的管治方式无疑存在着许多困难”；“由于中共向来是人治高于法治，并且常常为了政治目标而牺牲经济利益，因此虽然中共口口声声保证‘一国两制’并非权宜之半，港人仍不免怀疑中共的诚意”。同时认为中共“重一国而轻两制”。
台湾当局对回归后的香港能否落实“一国两制”则持关注与观察立场。一方面，希望大陆“能够遵守其在中英联合声明及香港基本法所作的‘港人治港’及‘高度自治’等承诺”，而且以香港最后一任港督彭定康在1996年10月发表的施政报告提出的“标准”，“对中共在港实施一国两制的情况加以检视”；另一方面，“政府将持续关注香港情势的发展及中共是否真正履行对港人的承诺”。
香港回归后，台湾当局继续强调台湾与香港不同，反对将香港的“一国两制”模式用于台湾。1997年7月3日，李登辉在向国际媒体发表对香港主权移交的看法时表示，“从历史或政治的角度来分析，台湾的情况和香港有很大不同，大陆当局固然可以用它所谓的‘一国两制’把香港纳入它的统治，但是它想用同样的方法来处理海峡两岸分治的局面，就显得过于一厢情愿。因为治理台澎金马的‘中华民国’已经彻底民主化，绝大多数的国民都不赞成中共所主张的国家统一模式。”
民进党执政后，不仅继续强调台湾与香港的不同，认为不能将台湾等同于香港，“一国两制”不适用香港，而且在观念上有所调整与变化。2005年8月，陈水扁提出处理两岸事务的“一个原则，三个坚持，五个反对”中，第二“反对”就是“坚决反对将台湾香港化、澳门化，将台湾变成香港与澳门第二的‘一国两制’”。
总之，不论是国民党当局，还是民进党当局，均对香港的“一国两制”持怀疑态度，更反对将台湾等同香港，反对将“一国两制”模式用于台湾，但对港台关系的发展却持正面看法，采取鼓励政策，从而保证港台关系在两岸关系僵持下仍得以持续平稳发展。
当代中国人宗教信仰调查
在转型时期的当代中国社会，宗教信仰发生了 什么样的变化，有着与过去相比怎样的影响？童世骏教授主持的“当代中国人精神生活调查”课题下的“当代中国人宗教信仰”调查项目，可谓是近几十年来首次正 面涉足宗教信仰这一敏感领域的社会调查，做起来非常棘手，投入巨大，耗时整整三年。
1
宗教需要在增长
华东师范大学哲学系刘仲宇教授是这个调查项目的主要撰稿人，梳理过相关的全部数据。他说：“宗教信仰仍是当代中国人精神生活的重要组成部分，它对一个社会产生的影响，是不容忽视和回避的。”
童世骏教授告诉记者，根据课题组在2005年暑期实施的调查，年龄16周岁以上的中国人里，具有宗教信仰的人数为31．4％。
课题组不光调查了“量”，还考据了“质”。从调查结果来看，天主教、基督教、伊斯兰教、佛教和道教的信众占到总数的67．4％，占到了绝对多数，信仰世界上其他宗教的占6％。
调查还求证了中国存在着一种非常“特殊”的宗教徒。他们信奉“民间俗神”和信仰“祖先保佑”，其人数高达26．6％。这恐怕是中国宗教独一无二的现象，学术界将之归为民间信仰，也是中国传统信仰的重要组成部分。
“当代中国人中信仰宗教者绝对数量以及在人口比例中的增长，说明宗教本身在民众精神生活中所占的比重有所增高。同时，从中国社会的实际情形 看，20世纪70年代末开始，就有一个宗教复苏的阶段。到了20世纪末，中国宗教的复苏转到正常的发展。当时便有人断言：宗教的发展已是一个事实。到这时 起，可以说，人们的宗教需要开始得到越来越正常的表述。”刘仲宇教授对记者说。
刘教授还特别指出，在进入本世纪后，宗教的发展似乎有加速的趋势。这种对宗教的需要又说明了什么？
刘仲宇教授的另一个身份，是上海宗教学会的副会长。对这些问题，他先做了这样一番说明：宗教的社会根源之一，就是生产力的落后，人们对于天灾人祸的抵御能力差，因而产生对于不可捉摸的命运和超自然对象的崇拜。
调查数据也显示，虽然那些往往被定性为封建迷信的“治病”、“消除灾祸”、“保佑顺利”已经不占信教原因的最重要地位，但加起来，仍有28％的信教者将之列为信教原因。
“实际上，许多经济的根源，经常是以人们没有意识到的方式在起着作用的。比如，现今大量的烦恼、浮躁、紧张等社会心理，常常成为通向宗教的心理原因。而它们背后还是与当代社会生产力不够发达、生存压力大、生活保障程度低有着直接的关系。”
刘教授特别强调，尤其我国农村生产力还相当落后，靠天吃饭的情形远未改变，因此，在农村，崇拜神明祈祷他们帮助度过天灾的传统信仰，保留得更 多。但调查结果也证明，当代中国人在富起来的同时，对宗教的需要并没有消除，且尤为值得注意的是，中国沿海先富起来的地方，也是宗教恢复和发展较快的地 方。
2
信众趋向年轻化
根据上海社会科学院宗教研究所的一项研究，1996年前，60岁以上老年人是上海信徒的主体，有些是因病信教，而其中也有一个重要原因是“为了摆脱孤独的生活和心理”。
“中国从改革开放以来，逐步恢复宗教活动，直到上世纪的最后10年，信教的群众都以40岁以上的中老年人为多。这一现象，主要由历史原因所造 成。从50年代起，政治运动不断，一些宗教界有近30年的时间没有授徒，所以一开始恢复宗教活动，教职人员中老人占了绝对多数。”刘教授分析。
但课题组认为，当代中国人宗教需要的产生，信仰选择的动机形成，还有一定的心理根源。其中，老龄化社会到来是其中一点，但与信徒数量激增并非是直接的关联。因为通过三年的调研，有一个特征越来越明显，即现在中国宗教信众已逐步趋于年轻化。
从年龄与宗教信仰的交互分析中可以看出，16至39岁的信众共889人，占全部信教样本人数1435人的62％，而55岁以上的则只有137 人，占总数的9．6％。如果依照习惯将女性退体年龄55岁以上的算作老年人，那么40岁以下的青年和中年人在信众中的比例大大高于老年人；如果按照60岁 以上才算老人的算法，就只有82人，占5．7％，差距则更大。这种情形，与人们以前印象中信教群众中老年人多的结论颇为不同。
当前信众的年轻化已是事实。在现今的年轻人中，虽然他们正在使用的是前人无法想象的科技产品，但对于宗教的兴趣却日益增强。在他们的精神生活中，宗教也似乎已渐渐显露其对未来的影响力。
而对于这一现象的产生，刘教授认为，中国半个多世纪来的剧烈变化，让人们失去原有传统的同时，不得不面对道德水准的滑坡，人情的淡漠，人际关 系的疏离，以及随着巨大经济冲击力而来的西方文化，手足无措。这些情况都不断促使人们寻找新的精神寄托。“这几年来在中国的各个阶层，都以不同的形式显示 出了回归传统的心态。这种回归，表现在宗教领域，便是中国的传统宗教佛、道两教的发展势头日益高涨。而除了回归传统心态外，这种高涨，似乎还有着某种规律 性的东西在背后发挥着作用。比如说对于被破坏得太多的传统道德的向往、怀念的倾向……这些都是宗教在当今社会里还能存在与发展的重要基础。”
3
新型信仰“接财神”
观察全国各地寺庙宫观的发展情况，是刘仲宇教授长期的工作内容之一。在以往针对上海的一项调查中，以上海城隍庙为例，这里每年正月烧香人数的 增长十分明显。这些香客未必都是真正的信徒。那么，越来越多的人都跑到庙里烧香又是为了什么呢？刘教授告诉记者，这便是一个当代宗教信仰对于中国人的实际 生活究竟起了些什么具体作用的问题。
从课题组的相关调查情况来看，最多的信教原因是“告知做人道理，与人为善”，占回答总数的24．1％；“精神充实，心境安宁”，占总数的 20．3％；“宗教文化感人”的占4．9％。这三项原因，都相信入教之后对自己的精神生活和文化生活有直接的好处，三者之和达到49．3％，几乎占了一 半。足见当代信众的信教，有明确的精神追求。
在其余的信教原因中，有的调查对象介于种种原因没有直接地讲出精神需求，但基本上还是与疏解生活中的困难以及由之导致的心理失衡有关。比如为了“消除灾祸”、“保佑顺利”和“为了治病”的合起来有28．5％，也占有不少的比例。
“毫无疑问，宗教在当代人的精神追求、情感安顿上仍起着不容忽视的作用。”刘教授说，“当前社会心理，具有某种紧张，并非秘密。许多人常流露 出太累、太烦的感受，便是表现。”此外，“人们在生活中难免会碰到突发事件的冲击，有时是自己完全无法规避的无妄之灾。这时的人们，常会到各种宗教中寻找 安慰。这种心理上的安慰，对当事人恢复心理平衡有重要作用，在这种场合，宗教客观上起着替信众消除恐惧、重新恢复信心的作用。”
但除了惯常需求之外，课题组在调查研究中发现，当代中国人对宗教信仰功能的需求有了一种“新型”的发展，其中最为典型的，当数如今兴旺于中国各地的“接财神”现象。
刘教授认为，财神的升格，背后的缘由是整个社会对财富追求的神圣化。接财神的兴旺，已经不是一种单纯的宗教膜拜，而是人们对金钱追求公开化、 合法化的表现了，更是弥漫在整个社会上那种急于脱贫、急于发财心理的最准确表现。而这种社会心理也已强大到可以转变宗教的某些形式和内容，虽然在学术上， 或在政治需求上，仍可解释为这不过是一种宗教与民俗的互动活动罢了，但在当代中国宗教本身产生了一些新型发展，却是不容置疑的事实。
有神无神重和谐
坦率地说，中国长期以来都有着对宗教的贬抑心态。1992年，中共中央19号文件的发布，才使得人们对于宗教的本质和社会功能，特别是在当代社会主义社会中的功能，有了正确的认识。
而从课题组收集的资料来看，信众选择信教原因，主要还是精神与文化的追求。宗教本身，其实是一种价值资源，遏恶扬善是目前大多数宗教的基本倾向。所以，当中国共产党提倡社会主义精神文明建设时，各宗教都抱着积极响应的态度。
刘教授认为值得注意的是，各种宗教场所，各种宗教，为满足信众的宗教需要提供了条件，让大约3亿多人健康、有序地过好宗教生活，这个过程本身是社会安定的一个重要条件，也是中国宗教对于社会和谐所做的贡献。
“因为这些人的精神有了寄托，心境安宁，而且还或多或少地从各自信仰中汲取了道德戒条，遵守着最基本的一些行为规范，大大增加了抵制社会上不良文化污染的能力。这样也大大减少了产生矛盾并且直接冲击社会的机会。”
当然，不可否认的是，宗教本身具有两面性，既有积极的因素，加以正确引导，可以为社会主义社会的精神文明与和谐发展提供助力，但也有其消极的负面影响，在特定的时间里，会成为某些人的精神枷锁，而如果被别有用心者所利用，会对社会稳定产生破坏。
在调查中，不信教的、宣称自己是无神论者的，占样本总人数的15％不到。
旁读
中国人宗教信仰的分布状况（图一）
有宗教信仰的原因的频次分布（图二）
如图1所示，有1435人有宗教信仰，选择宗教类型的次数是2284，说明有些人不止一个宗教信仰。在所有的宗教信仰中，信仰佛教的最多，其次是“祖先保佑”。这说明中国人信仰的现实主义倾向明显。
图2调查显示，在有宗教信仰的人中，有1361人对信仰宗教的原因做了2552次选择。其中“告知做人道理，与人为善”信教的最多。除了“其 他”外，被访者选择最少的原因是“治病”，分别占全部回答次数和全部个案数的4．4％和8．3％。从这些回答来看，我们发现中国人的宗教信仰非常现实，除 了第二点被认为是比较符合信仰宗教的基本原因之外，我们发现其每个选择都是来源于比较世俗的判断。
……
根据以上调查，我们可以对中国人的宗教信仰状况作如下的总结：
第一、从调查的总体状况来看，中国人信仰宗教的大约占全体总数的三分之一左右。说明信仰宗教的人数相对较少。
第二、中国人的宗教信仰更多走比较基于现实主义的，来源于宗教自身寄托心灵的思考较少。
第三、中国人更多还是信仰我国比较传统的佛教或者走世俗化了的祖先崇拜。而对于来源于西方的宗教（如基督教、天主教）信仰关注较少。
1
宗教需要在增长
华东师范大学哲学系刘仲宇教授是这个调查项目的主要撰稿人，梳理过相关的全部数据。他说：“宗教信仰仍是当代中国人精神生活的重要组成部分，它对一个社会产生的影响，是不容忽视和回避的。”
童世骏教授告诉记者，根据课题组在2005年暑期实施的调查，年龄16周岁以上的中国人里，具有宗教信仰的人数为31．4％。
课题组不光调查了“量”，还考据了“质”。从调查结果来看，天主教、基督教、伊斯兰教、佛教和道教的信众占到总数的67．4％，占到了绝对多数，信仰世界上其他宗教的占6％。
调查还求证了中国存在着一种非常“特殊”的宗教徒。他们信奉“民间俗神”和信仰“祖先保佑”，其人数高达26．6％。这恐怕是中国宗教独一无二的现象，学术界将之归为民间信仰，也是中国传统信仰的重要组成部分。
“当代中国人中信仰宗教者绝对数量以及在人口比例中的增长，说明宗教本身在民众精神生活中所占的比重有所增高。同时，从中国社会的实际情形 看，20世纪70年代末开始，就有一个宗教复苏的阶段。到了20世纪末，中国宗教的复苏转到正常的发展。当时便有人断言：宗教的发展已是一个事实。到这时 起，可以说，人们的宗教需要开始得到越来越正常的表述。”刘仲宇教授对记者说。
刘教授还特别指出，在进入本世纪后，宗教的发展似乎有加速的趋势。这种对宗教的需要又说明了什么？
刘仲宇教授的另一个身份，是上海宗教学会的副会长。对这些问题，他先做了这样一番说明：宗教的社会根源之一，就是生产力的落后，人们对于天灾人祸的抵御能力差，因而产生对于不可捉摸的命运和超自然对象的崇拜。
调查数据也显示，虽然那些往往被定性为封建迷信的“治病”、“消除灾祸”、“保佑顺利”已经不占信教原因的最重要地位，但加起来，仍有28％的信教者将之列为信教原因。
“实际上，许多经济的根源，经常是以人们没有意识到的方式在起着作用的。比如，现今大量的烦恼、浮躁、紧张等社会心理，常常成为通向宗教的心理原因。而它们背后还是与当代社会生产力不够发达、生存压力大、生活保障程度低有着直接的关系。”
刘教授特别强调，尤其我国农村生产力还相当落后，靠天吃饭的情形远未改变，因此，在农村，崇拜神明祈祷他们帮助度过天灾的传统信仰，保留得更 多。但调查结果也证明，当代中国人在富起来的同时，对宗教的需要并没有消除，且尤为值得注意的是，中国沿海先富起来的地方，也是宗教恢复和发展较快的地 方。
2
信众趋向年轻化
根据上海社会科学院宗教研究所的一项研究，1996年前，60岁以上老年人是上海信徒的主体，有些是因病信教，而其中也有一个重要原因是“为了摆脱孤独的生活和心理”。
“中国从改革开放以来，逐步恢复宗教活动，直到上世纪的最后10年，信教的群众都以40岁以上的中老年人为多。这一现象，主要由历史原因所造 成。从50年代起，政治运动不断，一些宗教界有近30年的时间没有授徒，所以一开始恢复宗教活动，教职人员中老人占了绝对多数。”刘教授分析。
但课题组认为，当代中国人宗教需要的产生，信仰选择的动机形成，还有一定的心理根源。其中，老龄化社会到来是其中一点，但与信徒数量激增并非是直接的关联。因为通过三年的调研，有一个特征越来越明显，即现在中国宗教信众已逐步趋于年轻化。
从年龄与宗教信仰的交互分析中可以看出，16至39岁的信众共889人，占全部信教样本人数1435人的62％，而55岁以上的则只有137 人，占总数的9．6％。如果依照习惯将女性退体年龄55岁以上的算作老年人，那么40岁以下的青年和中年人在信众中的比例大大高于老年人；如果按照60岁 以上才算老人的算法，就只有82人，占5．7％，差距则更大。这种情形，与人们以前印象中信教群众中老年人多的结论颇为不同。
当前信众的年轻化已是事实。在现今的年轻人中，虽然他们正在使用的是前人无法想象的科技产品，但对于宗教的兴趣却日益增强。在他们的精神生活中，宗教也似乎已渐渐显露其对未来的影响力。
而对于这一现象的产生，刘教授认为，中国半个多世纪来的剧烈变化，让人们失去原有传统的同时，不得不面对道德水准的滑坡，人情的淡漠，人际关 系的疏离，以及随着巨大经济冲击力而来的西方文化，手足无措。这些情况都不断促使人们寻找新的精神寄托。“这几年来在中国的各个阶层，都以不同的形式显示 出了回归传统的心态。这种回归，表现在宗教领域，便是中国的传统宗教佛、道两教的发展势头日益高涨。而除了回归传统心态外，这种高涨，似乎还有着某种规律 性的东西在背后发挥着作用。比如说对于被破坏得太多的传统道德的向往、怀念的倾向……这些都是宗教在当今社会里还能存在与发展的重要基础。”
3
新型信仰“接财神”
观察全国各地寺庙宫观的发展情况，是刘仲宇教授长期的工作内容之一。在以往针对上海的一项调查中，以上海城隍庙为例，这里每年正月烧香人数的 增长十分明显。这些香客未必都是真正的信徒。那么，越来越多的人都跑到庙里烧香又是为了什么呢？刘教授告诉记者，这便是一个当代宗教信仰对于中国人的实际 生活究竟起了些什么具体作用的问题。
从课题组的相关调查情况来看，最多的信教原因是“告知做人道理，与人为善”，占回答总数的24．1％；“精神充实，心境安宁”，占总数的 20．3％；“宗教文化感人”的占4．9％。这三项原因，都相信入教之后对自己的精神生活和文化生活有直接的好处，三者之和达到49．3％，几乎占了一 半。足见当代信众的信教，有明确的精神追求。
在其余的信教原因中，有的调查对象介于种种原因没有直接地讲出精神需求，但基本上还是与疏解生活中的困难以及由之导致的心理失衡有关。比如为了“消除灾祸”、“保佑顺利”和“为了治病”的合起来有28．5％，也占有不少的比例。
“毫无疑问，宗教在当代人的精神追求、情感安顿上仍起着不容忽视的作用。”刘教授说，“当前社会心理，具有某种紧张，并非秘密。许多人常流露 出太累、太烦的感受，便是表现。”此外，“人们在生活中难免会碰到突发事件的冲击，有时是自己完全无法规避的无妄之灾。这时的人们，常会到各种宗教中寻找 安慰。这种心理上的安慰，对当事人恢复心理平衡有重要作用，在这种场合，宗教客观上起着替信众消除恐惧、重新恢复信心的作用。”
但除了惯常需求之外，课题组在调查研究中发现，当代中国人对宗教信仰功能的需求有了一种“新型”的发展，其中最为典型的，当数如今兴旺于中国各地的“接财神”现象。
刘教授认为，财神的升格，背后的缘由是整个社会对财富追求的神圣化。接财神的兴旺，已经不是一种单纯的宗教膜拜，而是人们对金钱追求公开化、 合法化的表现了，更是弥漫在整个社会上那种急于脱贫、急于发财心理的最准确表现。而这种社会心理也已强大到可以转变宗教的某些形式和内容，虽然在学术上， 或在政治需求上，仍可解释为这不过是一种宗教与民俗的互动活动罢了，但在当代中国宗教本身产生了一些新型发展，却是不容置疑的事实。
有神无神重和谐
坦率地说，中国长期以来都有着对宗教的贬抑心态。1992年，中共中央19号文件的发布，才使得人们对于宗教的本质和社会功能，特别是在当代社会主义社会中的功能，有了正确的认识。
而从课题组收集的资料来看，信众选择信教原因，主要还是精神与文化的追求。宗教本身，其实是一种价值资源，遏恶扬善是目前大多数宗教的基本倾向。所以，当中国共产党提倡社会主义精神文明建设时，各宗教都抱着积极响应的态度。
刘教授认为值得注意的是，各种宗教场所，各种宗教，为满足信众的宗教需要提供了条件，让大约3亿多人健康、有序地过好宗教生活，这个过程本身是社会安定的一个重要条件，也是中国宗教对于社会和谐所做的贡献。
“因为这些人的精神有了寄托，心境安宁，而且还或多或少地从各自信仰中汲取了道德戒条，遵守着最基本的一些行为规范，大大增加了抵制社会上不良文化污染的能力。这样也大大减少了产生矛盾并且直接冲击社会的机会。”
当然，不可否认的是，宗教本身具有两面性，既有积极的因素，加以正确引导，可以为社会主义社会的精神文明与和谐发展提供助力，但也有其消极的负面影响，在特定的时间里，会成为某些人的精神枷锁，而如果被别有用心者所利用，会对社会稳定产生破坏。
在调查中，不信教的、宣称自己是无神论者的，占样本总人数的15％不到。
旁读
中国人宗教信仰的分布状况（图一）
有宗教信仰的原因的频次分布（图二）
如图1所示，有1435人有宗教信仰，选择宗教类型的次数是2284，说明有些人不止一个宗教信仰。在所有的宗教信仰中，信仰佛教的最多，其次是“祖先保佑”。这说明中国人信仰的现实主义倾向明显。
图2调查显示，在有宗教信仰的人中，有1361人对信仰宗教的原因做了2552次选择。其中“告知做人道理，与人为善”信教的最多。除了“其 他”外，被访者选择最少的原因是“治病”，分别占全部回答次数和全部个案数的4．4％和8．3％。从这些回答来看，我们发现中国人的宗教信仰非常现实，除 了第二点被认为是比较符合信仰宗教的基本原因之外，我们发现其每个选择都是来源于比较世俗的判断。
……
根据以上调查，我们可以对中国人的宗教信仰状况作如下的总结：
第一、从调查的总体状况来看，中国人信仰宗教的大约占全体总数的三分之一左右。说明信仰宗教的人数相对较少。
第二、中国人的宗教信仰更多走比较基于现实主义的，来源于宗教自身寄托心灵的思考较少。
第三、中国人更多还是信仰我国比较传统的佛教或者走世俗化了的祖先崇拜。而对于来源于西方的宗教（如基督教、天主教）信仰关注较少。
三月二十八日上课的阅读材料
村委会选举仍需规范完善 作者：汪恭礼 时间：2007-1-16 来源：中国发展观察 阅读量：1273次
笔者曾在乡镇工作十多年，作为安徽省第二批选派到村任职干部，2004年2月，到宣城市宣州区水东镇七岭村担任党支部书记。七岭村有961户，3752人，2005年人均纯收入3465元，是个交通不便、集体经济薄弱、靠财政转移支付度日的村庄。笔者多次实地参与村委会换届选举工作，感到目前村委会选举中仍存在以下问题，需要在实践中不断探讨和总结，进而采取相应对策加以规范和完善。
村民对选举认识不足。一些地方宣传工作不到位，部分选民对选举法规了解不多，对选举不关心，对自己的民主权利不珍惜。有时一包烟、一顿饭、几块钱，就能轻易改变选民的投票意愿。还有一些选民当觉得选举未按程序进行，或选举对自己一派的人不利时，采取抢选票、砸票箱的方式，扰乱选举秩序。特别是有的村财务混乱，使不少村民借换届选举表达不满。
上级干预和宗派影响削弱选举权威性。少数乡镇干部为了确保“自己人”被选为村委会主任，到百姓家去做工作。如果没有选出如意的村委会成员，就不宣布选举结果，或以种种借口宣布选举无效。也有一些乡镇干部认为选举程序复杂，在选举中怕麻烦、走过场。还有的乡镇有麻痹思想，在中心投票站未及时设立秘密划票处，发收选票有漏发、错发现象，造成局部不稳定。此外，宗派影响也在左右乡村选举。各宗派成员通过请吃请喝、封官许愿、送礼贿赂等方式谋取选票，让本宗派成员或支持者当选。个别候选人考虑自己当选的可能性不大，就笼络本族的一些选民搞“小动作”，使选举工作无法正常进行。
选民流失直接影响选举。在相对贫困落后的农村，外出打工人员较多，选民流失现象严重。不仅导致选票不足，而且在家的多为老人、妇女和小孩，使选举极易为人操纵。此外，一些有文化、有技术并受群众信任的年轻村民不愿参选，也造成农村干部后继无人。
选举中不规范操作现象普遍。很多地方村级规模调整后，人口在3000人以上，很难组织全体选民集中投票，因此流动票箱设置过多，很容易出现不规范现象。此外，候选人在选举时存在种种拉票表现，有的请客送礼、贿赂村民；有的胁迫村民；有的向村民做些不切实际的许诺。
针对这些问题，笔者认为村委会选举的规范和完善应从以下方面思考。
培养村民的选举意识。村委会应当设立专职负责选举工作的人员，把选举作为一项日常性工作来抓。要培养村民的大局意识，消除狭隘的宗族意识，积极投身选举。要对选民进行相关政策和法律法规教育，引导他们依法履行义务，行使权利。要对选民进行思想道德教育和现代科技知识教育，教育他们诚实守信，把积极性用到依法致富和农业现代化建设上来。宣传教育工作要贯穿换届选举工作始终。
加强换届选举前的调查和安排。首先应对全乡镇的村委会特别是宗族、派性严重的村庄进行调查，研究分析并做好处理预案。然后根据县政府的选举方案制定贯彻实施意见。在选举前，对村干部进行任期财务审计，以村委会为单位，组织村务公开监督小组成员和村民代表参与，由乡、村有关人员依法进行审计。审计结果及时公布，接受村民监督。同时，应对选举做好安排。要做好培训部署，精心组织好投票，严格按照法定程序选举。乡镇干部应按照法律程序指导选举。特别是在候选人提名上，不搞政府建议名单，不搞内定候选人。法律上未作规定的具体问题，尊重村民自己的选择。
村委会选举应遵循原则、做好后续工作。村委会选举必须遵循一些基本原则，例如直接选举原则、普遍选举原则、差额选举原则、无记名投票原则，以及公平、公正、公开的原则。选举完成后，对新当选的村委会成员进行培训和教育，使其尽快转变思想观念，转变工作方法和作风，学会用民主的方法、法律手段管理农村事务。对当选者的“承诺”也应在其任期内进行监督。乡镇干部应经常下村了解村委会主任承诺的实施情况，并把村委会主任竞选时的“承诺”存档，每半年组织村委会主任“回头看”，年终向全体村民汇报。
作者单位：安徽省宣城市宣州区水东镇七岭村党支部
笔者曾在乡镇工作十多年，作为安徽省第二批选派到村任职干部，2004年2月，到宣城市宣州区水东镇七岭村担任党支部书记。七岭村有961户，3752人，2005年人均纯收入3465元，是个交通不便、集体经济薄弱、靠财政转移支付度日的村庄。笔者多次实地参与村委会换届选举工作，感到目前村委会选举中仍存在以下问题，需要在实践中不断探讨和总结，进而采取相应对策加以规范和完善。
村民对选举认识不足。一些地方宣传工作不到位，部分选民对选举法规了解不多，对选举不关心，对自己的民主权利不珍惜。有时一包烟、一顿饭、几块钱，就能轻易改变选民的投票意愿。还有一些选民当觉得选举未按程序进行，或选举对自己一派的人不利时，采取抢选票、砸票箱的方式，扰乱选举秩序。特别是有的村财务混乱，使不少村民借换届选举表达不满。
上级干预和宗派影响削弱选举权威性。少数乡镇干部为了确保“自己人”被选为村委会主任，到百姓家去做工作。如果没有选出如意的村委会成员，就不宣布选举结果，或以种种借口宣布选举无效。也有一些乡镇干部认为选举程序复杂，在选举中怕麻烦、走过场。还有的乡镇有麻痹思想，在中心投票站未及时设立秘密划票处，发收选票有漏发、错发现象，造成局部不稳定。此外，宗派影响也在左右乡村选举。各宗派成员通过请吃请喝、封官许愿、送礼贿赂等方式谋取选票，让本宗派成员或支持者当选。个别候选人考虑自己当选的可能性不大，就笼络本族的一些选民搞“小动作”，使选举工作无法正常进行。
选民流失直接影响选举。在相对贫困落后的农村，外出打工人员较多，选民流失现象严重。不仅导致选票不足，而且在家的多为老人、妇女和小孩，使选举极易为人操纵。此外，一些有文化、有技术并受群众信任的年轻村民不愿参选，也造成农村干部后继无人。
选举中不规范操作现象普遍。很多地方村级规模调整后，人口在3000人以上，很难组织全体选民集中投票，因此流动票箱设置过多，很容易出现不规范现象。此外，候选人在选举时存在种种拉票表现，有的请客送礼、贿赂村民；有的胁迫村民；有的向村民做些不切实际的许诺。
针对这些问题，笔者认为村委会选举的规范和完善应从以下方面思考。
培养村民的选举意识。村委会应当设立专职负责选举工作的人员，把选举作为一项日常性工作来抓。要培养村民的大局意识，消除狭隘的宗族意识，积极投身选举。要对选民进行相关政策和法律法规教育，引导他们依法履行义务，行使权利。要对选民进行思想道德教育和现代科技知识教育，教育他们诚实守信，把积极性用到依法致富和农业现代化建设上来。宣传教育工作要贯穿换届选举工作始终。
加强换届选举前的调查和安排。首先应对全乡镇的村委会特别是宗族、派性严重的村庄进行调查，研究分析并做好处理预案。然后根据县政府的选举方案制定贯彻实施意见。在选举前，对村干部进行任期财务审计，以村委会为单位，组织村务公开监督小组成员和村民代表参与，由乡、村有关人员依法进行审计。审计结果及时公布，接受村民监督。同时，应对选举做好安排。要做好培训部署，精心组织好投票，严格按照法定程序选举。乡镇干部应按照法律程序指导选举。特别是在候选人提名上，不搞政府建议名单，不搞内定候选人。法律上未作规定的具体问题，尊重村民自己的选择。
村委会选举应遵循原则、做好后续工作。村委会选举必须遵循一些基本原则，例如直接选举原则、普遍选举原则、差额选举原则、无记名投票原则，以及公平、公正、公开的原则。选举完成后，对新当选的村委会成员进行培训和教育，使其尽快转变思想观念，转变工作方法和作风，学会用民主的方法、法律手段管理农村事务。对当选者的“承诺”也应在其任期内进行监督。乡镇干部应经常下村了解村委会主任承诺的实施情况，并把村委会主任竞选时的“承诺”存档，每半年组织村委会主任“回头看”，年终向全体村民汇报。
作者单位：安徽省宣城市宣州区水东镇七岭村党支部
三月七日上课的阅读材料
宪法学习: 现行宪法的修改年份及修改内容
新华网北京4月8日电 1982年宪法通过以后, 至今作过四次修改, 共31条。
1988年对现行宪法进行了第一次修改。1988年4月12日, 七届全国人大一次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第一个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共两条(第一条、第二条), 内容是: (1)国家允许私营经济在法律规定的范围内存在和发展。(2)对土地不得出租的规定作了修改, 规定土地的使用权可以依照法律的规定转让。
1993年对现行宪法进行了第二次修改。1993年3月29日, 八届全国人大一次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第二个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共9条(第三条至第十一条), 主要内容是: (1)在宪法序言第七自然段中更加完整地表述党的基本路线, 增加了"我国正处于社会主义初级阶段"、"建设有中国特色社会主义的理论"、"坚持改革开放"等内容。(2)将宪法第十五条关于国家实行计划经济的规定修改为: "国家实行社会主义市场经济。""国家加强经济立法, 完善宏观调控。"并相应地将宪法第十六条关于"国营企业在服从国家的统一领导和全面完成国家计划的前提下, 在法律规定的范围内, 有经营管理的自主权"的规定修改为"国有企业在法律规定的范围内有权自主经营", 将宪法第十七条关于"集体经济组织在接受国家计划指导和遵守有关法律的前提下, 有独立进行经济活动的自主权"的规定修改为"集体经济组织在遵守有关法律的前提下, 有独立进行经济活动的自主权"。(3)删去宪法第八条中的"农村人民公社", 增加规定家庭联产承包责任制的内容。(4)将宪法有关条文中的"国营经济"改为"国有经济"。(5)在宪法序言第十自然段中增加规定: "中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度将长期存在和发展。"(6)将县级人民代表大会的任期由三年改为五年。
1999年对现行宪法进行了第三次修改。1999年3月15日, 九届全国人大二次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第三个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共6条(第十二条至第十七条), 主要内容是: (1)确立了邓小平理论的指导思想地位。(2)增加规定"中华人民共和国实行依法治国, 建设社会主义法治国家。"(3)增加规定社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度和分配制度。(4)规定"农村集体经济组织实行家庭承包经营为基础、统分结合的双层经营体制"。(5)增加规定"在法律规定范围内的个体经济、私营经济等非公有制经济, 是社会主义市场经济的重要组成部分。"(6)将镇压"反革命的活动", 修改为镇压"危害国家安全的犯罪活动"。
2004年对现行宪法进行了第四次修改。2004年3月14日, 十届全国人大二次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第四个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共14条(第十八条至第三十一条), 主要内容是: (1)确立"三个代表"重要思想在国家政治和社会生活中的指导地位; (2)增加"推动物质文明、政治文明和精神文明协调发展"的内容; (3)在统一战线的表述中增加"社会主义事业的建设者"; (4)进一步明确国家对发展非公有制经济的方针; (5)完善私有财产保护制度; (6)完善土地征用制度; (7)增加建立健全社会保障制度的规定; (8)增加尊重和保障人权的规定; (9)在全国人民代表大会组成的规定中增加"特别行政区"; (10)完善紧急状态制度; (11)在国家主席职权的规定中增加"进行国事活动"; (12)将乡镇人民代表大会的任期由三年改为五年; (13)增加关于国歌的规定。(完)
私产入宪提振民间投资热情
新华网北京3月10日电(记者蔡敏、常爱玲、柴骥程)尽管"公民的合法的私有财产不受侵犯"写入宪法还在接受人大代表们的审议, 中国民营企业界的投资热情已明显高涨。
全国人大代表、合肥恒大自动化控制系统有限公司董事长朱庆龙一直对启动创业以来最大的项目——投资1亿元兼并重组一家国有企业犹豫不决。"企业规模做大了, 财产权却无法保障, 不如把钱存起来。"但私产入宪打消了他的顾虑。"合法的私有财产将要受到宪法的保障, 民营企业家们在增资扩建的过程中就像吃了一颗'定心丸', "他说。
在中国几千年的封建社会里, "重农轻商"观念根深蒂固, 更谈不上对其财产的保护。新中国成立后, 直至改革开放前, "私有财产"仍然是一个非常敏感的词汇。近年来, 随着中国对民营经济地位的不断肯定, 民营企业日益活跃。然而, 像朱庆龙一样, 担心私有财产得不到保护而犹豫不前, 或想尽办法"藏富"的企业或个人还很普遍。从1995年起《福布斯》每年推出"中国富豪榜"。许多上榜的私营企业主却惴惴不安, 一些人甚至通过媒体申辩自己并非那么有钱。
全国人大代表、华侨大学法律系副教授戴仲川认为, 政府缺乏从根本上保护私产、特别是保护生产资料的措施, 使民营企业家们不愿被"富豪榜"看中。这种瞻前顾后的思想, 限制了中国的民营企业像欧美同业那样追求独创和拓展的商机。
中共十六大明确指出, 包括非公有制经济人士在内的新兴阶层都是中国特色社会主义的建设者; "公民的合法的私有财产不受侵犯"的内容也将被写进宪法。全国政协委员、被誉全国首富的民营企业家刘永好谈起这个问题难掩兴奋之情。"过去, 因为持有的资产没有法律保障, 民间投资者多少存有担忧, 所以, 改革开放前期才会出现许多'非公'企业带上'红帽子'的现象, 才会有'假国营'、'假集体'和'假外资'。"刘永好认为, 私产入宪是中国从计划经济向市场经济过渡中非常重要的一步, 最重要的是给予民间资本以信心, 进一步激发他们创造财富的活力。
中国最大的低压电器生产企业——浙江正泰集团总裁南存辉介绍说, 浙江民营企业界谋划从四个方面实现新的跨跃: 由原来的劳动密集型企业提升为科技、知识密集型企业, 从初期的产品经营拓展到以上市为基础的资本经营, 管理者的综合素质必须明显提高, 管理模式也应由家族式向职业经理人的模式转变。
中国规模最大、发展速度最快的饮料企业龙头——杭州娃哈哈集团董事长宗庆后说: "国家立法保护私有财产后, 将激发每个公民创造财富的积极性, 即使是农民和城镇居民, 他们的部分生产资料、住房、股票等私有财产都将得到保护和尊重。此外, 能防止国家资金外流, 因为以前怕政策有变, 创造的财富不安全, 不管是合法不合法创造的财富都想拿到外国去。
来自福建的全国人大代表、民营企业家帅金高在表示拥护私产入宪的同时透露了新的投资计划: 投资5700万增设一条年产万吨的莲系列产品开发项目, 由此可带动8000户农民每年户均增收1000元以上。他说, 基本利益得到保障, 企业家就可以放手大干了。(完)
新华网北京4月8日电 1982年宪法通过以后, 至今作过四次修改, 共31条。
1988年对现行宪法进行了第一次修改。1988年4月12日, 七届全国人大一次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第一个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共两条(第一条、第二条), 内容是: (1)国家允许私营经济在法律规定的范围内存在和发展。(2)对土地不得出租的规定作了修改, 规定土地的使用权可以依照法律的规定转让。
1993年对现行宪法进行了第二次修改。1993年3月29日, 八届全国人大一次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第二个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共9条(第三条至第十一条), 主要内容是: (1)在宪法序言第七自然段中更加完整地表述党的基本路线, 增加了"我国正处于社会主义初级阶段"、"建设有中国特色社会主义的理论"、"坚持改革开放"等内容。(2)将宪法第十五条关于国家实行计划经济的规定修改为: "国家实行社会主义市场经济。""国家加强经济立法, 完善宏观调控。"并相应地将宪法第十六条关于"国营企业在服从国家的统一领导和全面完成国家计划的前提下, 在法律规定的范围内, 有经营管理的自主权"的规定修改为"国有企业在法律规定的范围内有权自主经营", 将宪法第十七条关于"集体经济组织在接受国家计划指导和遵守有关法律的前提下, 有独立进行经济活动的自主权"的规定修改为"集体经济组织在遵守有关法律的前提下, 有独立进行经济活动的自主权"。(3)删去宪法第八条中的"农村人民公社", 增加规定家庭联产承包责任制的内容。(4)将宪法有关条文中的"国营经济"改为"国有经济"。(5)在宪法序言第十自然段中增加规定: "中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度将长期存在和发展。"(6)将县级人民代表大会的任期由三年改为五年。
1999年对现行宪法进行了第三次修改。1999年3月15日, 九届全国人大二次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第三个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共6条(第十二条至第十七条), 主要内容是: (1)确立了邓小平理论的指导思想地位。(2)增加规定"中华人民共和国实行依法治国, 建设社会主义法治国家。"(3)增加规定社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度和分配制度。(4)规定"农村集体经济组织实行家庭承包经营为基础、统分结合的双层经营体制"。(5)增加规定"在法律规定范围内的个体经济、私营经济等非公有制经济, 是社会主义市场经济的重要组成部分。"(6)将镇压"反革命的活动", 修改为镇压"危害国家安全的犯罪活动"。
2004年对现行宪法进行了第四次修改。2004年3月14日, 十届全国人大二次会议采用无记名投票方式, 通过了第四个宪法修正案。这个宪法修正案共14条(第十八条至第三十一条), 主要内容是: (1)确立"三个代表"重要思想在国家政治和社会生活中的指导地位; (2)增加"推动物质文明、政治文明和精神文明协调发展"的内容; (3)在统一战线的表述中增加"社会主义事业的建设者"; (4)进一步明确国家对发展非公有制经济的方针; (5)完善私有财产保护制度; (6)完善土地征用制度; (7)增加建立健全社会保障制度的规定; (8)增加尊重和保障人权的规定; (9)在全国人民代表大会组成的规定中增加"特别行政区"; (10)完善紧急状态制度; (11)在国家主席职权的规定中增加"进行国事活动"; (12)将乡镇人民代表大会的任期由三年改为五年; (13)增加关于国歌的规定。(完)
私产入宪提振民间投资热情
新华网北京3月10日电(记者蔡敏、常爱玲、柴骥程)尽管"公民的合法的私有财产不受侵犯"写入宪法还在接受人大代表们的审议, 中国民营企业界的投资热情已明显高涨。
全国人大代表、合肥恒大自动化控制系统有限公司董事长朱庆龙一直对启动创业以来最大的项目——投资1亿元兼并重组一家国有企业犹豫不决。"企业规模做大了, 财产权却无法保障, 不如把钱存起来。"但私产入宪打消了他的顾虑。"合法的私有财产将要受到宪法的保障, 民营企业家们在增资扩建的过程中就像吃了一颗'定心丸', "他说。
在中国几千年的封建社会里, "重农轻商"观念根深蒂固, 更谈不上对其财产的保护。新中国成立后, 直至改革开放前, "私有财产"仍然是一个非常敏感的词汇。近年来, 随着中国对民营经济地位的不断肯定, 民营企业日益活跃。然而, 像朱庆龙一样, 担心私有财产得不到保护而犹豫不前, 或想尽办法"藏富"的企业或个人还很普遍。从1995年起《福布斯》每年推出"中国富豪榜"。许多上榜的私营企业主却惴惴不安, 一些人甚至通过媒体申辩自己并非那么有钱。
全国人大代表、华侨大学法律系副教授戴仲川认为, 政府缺乏从根本上保护私产、特别是保护生产资料的措施, 使民营企业家们不愿被"富豪榜"看中。这种瞻前顾后的思想, 限制了中国的民营企业像欧美同业那样追求独创和拓展的商机。
中共十六大明确指出, 包括非公有制经济人士在内的新兴阶层都是中国特色社会主义的建设者; "公民的合法的私有财产不受侵犯"的内容也将被写进宪法。全国政协委员、被誉全国首富的民营企业家刘永好谈起这个问题难掩兴奋之情。"过去, 因为持有的资产没有法律保障, 民间投资者多少存有担忧, 所以, 改革开放前期才会出现许多'非公'企业带上'红帽子'的现象, 才会有'假国营'、'假集体'和'假外资'。"刘永好认为, 私产入宪是中国从计划经济向市场经济过渡中非常重要的一步, 最重要的是给予民间资本以信心, 进一步激发他们创造财富的活力。
中国最大的低压电器生产企业——浙江正泰集团总裁南存辉介绍说, 浙江民营企业界谋划从四个方面实现新的跨跃: 由原来的劳动密集型企业提升为科技、知识密集型企业, 从初期的产品经营拓展到以上市为基础的资本经营, 管理者的综合素质必须明显提高, 管理模式也应由家族式向职业经理人的模式转变。
中国规模最大、发展速度最快的饮料企业龙头——杭州娃哈哈集团董事长宗庆后说: "国家立法保护私有财产后, 将激发每个公民创造财富的积极性, 即使是农民和城镇居民, 他们的部分生产资料、住房、股票等私有财产都将得到保护和尊重。此外, 能防止国家资金外流, 因为以前怕政策有变, 创造的财富不安全, 不管是合法不合法创造的财富都想拿到外国去。
来自福建的全国人大代表、民营企业家帅金高在表示拥护私产入宪的同时透露了新的投资计划: 投资5700万增设一条年产万吨的莲系列产品开发项目, 由此可带动8000户农民每年户均增收1000元以上。他说, 基本利益得到保障, 企业家就可以放手大干了。(完)
二月二十九日上课的阅读材料
江泽民在庆祝建党八十周年大会上的讲话(节选)
《人民日报》2001年7月2日第一版
贯彻“三个代表”要求，我们必须坚持党的工人阶级先锋队的性质，始终保持党的先进性，同时要根据经济发展和社会进步的实际，不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础，不断提高党的社会影响力。
我国工人阶级是近代以来我国社会发展特别是社会化大生产发展的产物，具有严格的组织性纪律性和革命的坚定性彻底性等品格。我们党从成立之日起，就把自己定为中国工人阶级的政党，始终坚持工人阶级先锋队的性质，为保持自身的先进性奠定了坚实的阶级基础。
随着改革开放和现代化建设的发展，我国工人阶级队伍不断壮大，思想道德素质和科学文化素质日益提高，工人阶级的先进性也在发展，党的阶级基础不断增强。知识分子作为工人阶级的一部分，大大增强了工人阶级的科技文化素质。由于我们实行公有制为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展的基本经济制度，发展社会主义市场经济，实行经济结构的战略性调整，一些工人群众的工作岗位发生变化。这并没有改变我国工人阶级的地位，而且从长远看有利于提高工人阶级的整体素质，发挥工人阶级的整体优势。中国工人阶级始终是推动中国先进生产力发展的基本力量。我们党必须始终坚持工人阶级先锋队的性质，始终全心全意依靠工人阶级。
看一个政党是否先进，是不是工人阶级先锋队，主要应看它的理论和纲领是不是马克思主义的，是不是代表社会发展的正确方向，是不是代表最广大人民的根本利益。我们党是马克思列宁主义与中国工人运动相结合的产物。工人阶级的形成是建党的根本条件。民主革命时期，由于当时中国社会的特点，我们党的绝大多数党员来自农民和其他劳动者，也有不少来自知识分子，还有来自非劳动者阶层的革命分子。但是，我们党的理论和纲领是马克思主义的，代表了中国社会发展的正确方向，我们党高度重视在思想上建党，坚持用马克思主义理论教育和武装全体党员，不仅要求党员在组织上入党，而且要求党员首先在思想上入党，指导他们为实现党的纲领和任务而奋斗，因而保持了党的工人阶级先锋队性质。
改革开放以来，我国的社会阶层构成发生了新的变化，出现了民营科技企业的创业人员和技术人员、受聘于外资企业的管理技术人员、个体户、私营企业主、中介组织的从业人员、自由职业人员等社会阶层。而且，许多人在不同所有制、不同行业、不同地域之间流动频繁，人们的职业、身份经常变动。这种变化还会继续下去。在党的路线方针政策指引下，这些新的社会阶层中的广大人员，通过诚实劳动和工作，通过合法经营，为发展社会主义社会的生产力和其他事业作出了贡献。他们与工人、农民、知识分子、干部和解放军指战员团结在一起，他们也是有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者。
伟大而艰巨的建设有中国特色社会主义事业，需要全社会各个方面忠诚于祖国和社会主义的优秀分子，以自己的实际行动带领群众共同加以推进。能否自觉地为实现党的路线和纲领而奋斗，是否符合党员条件，是吸收新党员的主要标准。来自工人、农民、知识分子、军人、干部的党员是党的队伍最基本的组成部分和骨干力量，同时也应该把承认党的纲领和章程、自觉为党的路线和纲领而奋斗、经过长期考验、符合党员条件的社会其他方面的优秀分子吸收到党内来，并通过党这个大熔炉不断提高广大党员的思想政治觉悟，从而不断增强我们党在全社会的影响力和凝聚力。
马克思主义经典作家关于资本主义社会的劳动和劳动价值的理论，揭示了当时资本主义生产方式的运行特点和基本矛盾。现在，我们发展社会主义市场经济，与马克思主义创始人当时所面对和研究的情况有很大不同。我们应该结合新的实际，深化对社会主义社会劳动和劳动价值理论的研究和认识。实现人民的富裕幸福，是我们建设社会主义的根本目的。随着经济的发展，广大人民群众的生活水平不断提高，个人的财产也逐渐增加。在这种情况下，不能简单地把有没有财产、有多少财产当作判断人们政治上先进与落后的标准，而主要应该看他们的思想政治状况和现实表现，看他们的财产是怎么得来的以及对财产怎么支配和使用，看他们以自己的劳动对建设有中国特色社会主义事业所作的贡献。
《人民日报》2005年2月20日第一版
胡锦涛强调：深刻认识构建和谐社会的重大意义
北京2月19日讯 中共中央举办的省部级主要领导干部提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力专题研讨班19日上午在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席胡锦涛在开班式上作了重要讲话。他指出，构建社会主义和谐社会，是我们党从全面建设小康社会、开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面的全局出发提出的一项重大任务，适应了我国改革发展进入关键时期的客观要求，体现了广大人民群众的根本利益和共同愿望。要在推进社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明发展的历史进程中，扎扎实实做好构建社会主义和谐社会的各项工作。
中共中央政治局常委、国务院总理温家宝，中共中央政治局常委、中央纪委书记吴官正，中共中央政治局常委李长春出席开班式。中共中央政治局常委、国家副主席、中央党校校长曾庆红主持开班式。
胡锦涛指出，实现社会和谐，建设美好社会，始终是人类孜孜以求的一个社会理想，也是包括中国共产党在内的马克思主义政党不懈追求的一个社会理想。根据马克思主义基本原理和我国社会主义建设的实践经验，根据新世纪新阶段我国经济社会发展的新要求和我国社会出现的新趋势新特点，我们所要建设的社会主义和谐社会，应该是民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会。民主法治，就是社会主义民主得到充分发扬，依法治国基本方略得到切实落实，各方面积极因素得到广泛调动；公平正义，就是社会各方面的利益关系得到妥善协调，人民内部矛盾和其他社会矛盾得到正确处理，社会公平和正义得到切实维护和实现；诚信友爱，就是全社会互帮互助、诚实守信，全体人民平等友爱、融洽相处；充满活力，就是能够使一切有利于社会进步的创造愿望得到尊重，创造活动得到支持，创造才能得到发挥，创造成果得到肯定；安定有序，就是社会组织机制健全，社会管理完善，社会秩序良好，人民群众安居乐业，社会保持安定团结；人与自然和谐相处，就是生产发展，生活富裕，生态良好。这些基本特征是相互联系、相互作用的，需要在全面建设小康社会的进程中全面把握和体现。
胡锦涛强调，构建社会主义和谐社会，同建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明是有机统一的。要通过发展社会主义社会的生产力来不断增强和谐社会建设的物质基础，通过发展社会主义民主政治来不断加强和谐社会建设的政治保障，通过发展社会主义先进文化来不断巩固和谐社会建设的精神支撑，同时又通过和谐社会建设来为社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明建设创造有利的社会条件。
胡锦涛指出，构建社会主义和谐社会，必须坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，坚持社会主义的基本制度，坚持走中国特色社会主义道路；必须树立和落实科学发展观，坚持以经济建设为中心，坚持“五个统筹”，促进社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明建设与和谐社会建设全面发展；必须坚持以人为本，始终把最广大人民的根本利益作为党和国家工作的根本出发点和落脚点，在经济发展的基础上不断满足人民群众日益增长的物质文化需要，促进人的全面发展；必须尊重人民群众的创造精神，通过深化改革、创新体制，调动一切积极因素，激发全社会的创造活力；必须注重社会公平，正确反映和兼顾不同方面群众的利益，正确处理人民内部矛盾和其他社会矛盾，妥善协调各方面的利益关系；必须正确处理改革发展稳定的关系，坚持把改革的力度、发展的速度和社会可以承受的程度统一起来，使改革发展稳定相互协调、相互促进，确保人民群众安居乐业，确保社会政治稳定和国家长治久安。为了促进社会主义和谐社会建设，要切实保持经济持续快速协调健康发展、发展社会主义民主、落实依法治国的基本方略、加强思想道德建设、维护和实现社会公平和正义、增强全社会的创造活力、加强社会建设和管理、处理好新形势下的人民内部矛盾、加强生态环境建设和治理工作、做好保持社会稳定的工作。
《人民日报》2001年7月2日第一版
贯彻“三个代表”要求，我们必须坚持党的工人阶级先锋队的性质，始终保持党的先进性，同时要根据经济发展和社会进步的实际，不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础，不断提高党的社会影响力。
我国工人阶级是近代以来我国社会发展特别是社会化大生产发展的产物，具有严格的组织性纪律性和革命的坚定性彻底性等品格。我们党从成立之日起，就把自己定为中国工人阶级的政党，始终坚持工人阶级先锋队的性质，为保持自身的先进性奠定了坚实的阶级基础。
随着改革开放和现代化建设的发展，我国工人阶级队伍不断壮大，思想道德素质和科学文化素质日益提高，工人阶级的先进性也在发展，党的阶级基础不断增强。知识分子作为工人阶级的一部分，大大增强了工人阶级的科技文化素质。由于我们实行公有制为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展的基本经济制度，发展社会主义市场经济，实行经济结构的战略性调整，一些工人群众的工作岗位发生变化。这并没有改变我国工人阶级的地位，而且从长远看有利于提高工人阶级的整体素质，发挥工人阶级的整体优势。中国工人阶级始终是推动中国先进生产力发展的基本力量。我们党必须始终坚持工人阶级先锋队的性质，始终全心全意依靠工人阶级。
看一个政党是否先进，是不是工人阶级先锋队，主要应看它的理论和纲领是不是马克思主义的，是不是代表社会发展的正确方向，是不是代表最广大人民的根本利益。我们党是马克思列宁主义与中国工人运动相结合的产物。工人阶级的形成是建党的根本条件。民主革命时期，由于当时中国社会的特点，我们党的绝大多数党员来自农民和其他劳动者，也有不少来自知识分子，还有来自非劳动者阶层的革命分子。但是，我们党的理论和纲领是马克思主义的，代表了中国社会发展的正确方向，我们党高度重视在思想上建党，坚持用马克思主义理论教育和武装全体党员，不仅要求党员在组织上入党，而且要求党员首先在思想上入党，指导他们为实现党的纲领和任务而奋斗，因而保持了党的工人阶级先锋队性质。
改革开放以来，我国的社会阶层构成发生了新的变化，出现了民营科技企业的创业人员和技术人员、受聘于外资企业的管理技术人员、个体户、私营企业主、中介组织的从业人员、自由职业人员等社会阶层。而且，许多人在不同所有制、不同行业、不同地域之间流动频繁，人们的职业、身份经常变动。这种变化还会继续下去。在党的路线方针政策指引下，这些新的社会阶层中的广大人员，通过诚实劳动和工作，通过合法经营，为发展社会主义社会的生产力和其他事业作出了贡献。他们与工人、农民、知识分子、干部和解放军指战员团结在一起，他们也是有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者。
伟大而艰巨的建设有中国特色社会主义事业，需要全社会各个方面忠诚于祖国和社会主义的优秀分子，以自己的实际行动带领群众共同加以推进。能否自觉地为实现党的路线和纲领而奋斗，是否符合党员条件，是吸收新党员的主要标准。来自工人、农民、知识分子、军人、干部的党员是党的队伍最基本的组成部分和骨干力量，同时也应该把承认党的纲领和章程、自觉为党的路线和纲领而奋斗、经过长期考验、符合党员条件的社会其他方面的优秀分子吸收到党内来，并通过党这个大熔炉不断提高广大党员的思想政治觉悟，从而不断增强我们党在全社会的影响力和凝聚力。
马克思主义经典作家关于资本主义社会的劳动和劳动价值的理论，揭示了当时资本主义生产方式的运行特点和基本矛盾。现在，我们发展社会主义市场经济，与马克思主义创始人当时所面对和研究的情况有很大不同。我们应该结合新的实际，深化对社会主义社会劳动和劳动价值理论的研究和认识。实现人民的富裕幸福，是我们建设社会主义的根本目的。随着经济的发展，广大人民群众的生活水平不断提高，个人的财产也逐渐增加。在这种情况下，不能简单地把有没有财产、有多少财产当作判断人们政治上先进与落后的标准，而主要应该看他们的思想政治状况和现实表现，看他们的财产是怎么得来的以及对财产怎么支配和使用，看他们以自己的劳动对建设有中国特色社会主义事业所作的贡献。
《人民日报》2005年2月20日第一版
胡锦涛强调：深刻认识构建和谐社会的重大意义
北京2月19日讯 中共中央举办的省部级主要领导干部提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力专题研讨班19日上午在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席胡锦涛在开班式上作了重要讲话。他指出，构建社会主义和谐社会，是我们党从全面建设小康社会、开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面的全局出发提出的一项重大任务，适应了我国改革发展进入关键时期的客观要求，体现了广大人民群众的根本利益和共同愿望。要在推进社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明发展的历史进程中，扎扎实实做好构建社会主义和谐社会的各项工作。
中共中央政治局常委、国务院总理温家宝，中共中央政治局常委、中央纪委书记吴官正，中共中央政治局常委李长春出席开班式。中共中央政治局常委、国家副主席、中央党校校长曾庆红主持开班式。
胡锦涛指出，实现社会和谐，建设美好社会，始终是人类孜孜以求的一个社会理想，也是包括中国共产党在内的马克思主义政党不懈追求的一个社会理想。根据马克思主义基本原理和我国社会主义建设的实践经验，根据新世纪新阶段我国经济社会发展的新要求和我国社会出现的新趋势新特点，我们所要建设的社会主义和谐社会，应该是民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会。民主法治，就是社会主义民主得到充分发扬，依法治国基本方略得到切实落实，各方面积极因素得到广泛调动；公平正义，就是社会各方面的利益关系得到妥善协调，人民内部矛盾和其他社会矛盾得到正确处理，社会公平和正义得到切实维护和实现；诚信友爱，就是全社会互帮互助、诚实守信，全体人民平等友爱、融洽相处；充满活力，就是能够使一切有利于社会进步的创造愿望得到尊重，创造活动得到支持，创造才能得到发挥，创造成果得到肯定；安定有序，就是社会组织机制健全，社会管理完善，社会秩序良好，人民群众安居乐业，社会保持安定团结；人与自然和谐相处，就是生产发展，生活富裕，生态良好。这些基本特征是相互联系、相互作用的，需要在全面建设小康社会的进程中全面把握和体现。
胡锦涛强调，构建社会主义和谐社会，同建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明是有机统一的。要通过发展社会主义社会的生产力来不断增强和谐社会建设的物质基础，通过发展社会主义民主政治来不断加强和谐社会建设的政治保障，通过发展社会主义先进文化来不断巩固和谐社会建设的精神支撑，同时又通过和谐社会建设来为社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明建设创造有利的社会条件。
胡锦涛指出，构建社会主义和谐社会，必须坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，坚持社会主义的基本制度，坚持走中国特色社会主义道路；必须树立和落实科学发展观，坚持以经济建设为中心，坚持“五个统筹”，促进社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明建设与和谐社会建设全面发展；必须坚持以人为本，始终把最广大人民的根本利益作为党和国家工作的根本出发点和落脚点，在经济发展的基础上不断满足人民群众日益增长的物质文化需要，促进人的全面发展；必须尊重人民群众的创造精神，通过深化改革、创新体制，调动一切积极因素，激发全社会的创造活力；必须注重社会公平，正确反映和兼顾不同方面群众的利益，正确处理人民内部矛盾和其他社会矛盾，妥善协调各方面的利益关系；必须正确处理改革发展稳定的关系，坚持把改革的力度、发展的速度和社会可以承受的程度统一起来，使改革发展稳定相互协调、相互促进，确保人民群众安居乐业，确保社会政治稳定和国家长治久安。为了促进社会主义和谐社会建设，要切实保持经济持续快速协调健康发展、发展社会主义民主、落实依法治国的基本方略、加强思想道德建设、维护和实现社会公平和正义、增强全社会的创造活力、加强社会建设和管理、处理好新形势下的人民内部矛盾、加强生态环境建设和治理工作、做好保持社会稳定的工作。
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